----[ Tigrinya, Arabic, English available below ]----

16 ሚያዝያ 2022

 

ኤርትራ ሲምፖዝዩም 2022

ኣድላይነት ሓባራዊ ራእይ ንርጉእ ስግግር

ኣምባሳደር ዓንደብርሃን ወልደጊዮርጊስ

መኽፈቲ መደረ

ክቡራትን ክቡራንን ተሳተፍቲ ኤርትራ ሲምፖዝዩም 2022፡

ሰላም፡ ከመይ ኣለኹም፧ ምዉቕ ሰላምታይ ብምቕዳም፡ እንቋዕ ብደሓን መጻእኩም።

ኣብዚ ኣገዳስን እዋናውን ሲምፖዝዩም’ዚ ንምስታፍ ካብ መላእ ኤውሮጳ፡ ካናዳን ሕቡራት መንግስታት ኣመሪካን (ሕመኣ) ብምምጻእኩም አመስግን። ኣብዚ ኣብ ትሕቲ ኣድላይነት ሓባራዊ ራእይ ንርጉእ ስግግር ዚብል ቴማ ተኣኪብና ዘለና ብዛዕባ ኵነታት ናይታ እነፍቅራ ሃገርና ብምምይያጥ፣ ንህዝብና ሓርነት፡ ፍትሕን ራህዋን ዘረጋግጽ ለውጥን ርጉእ ስግግር ናብ ደሞክራስያዊ ስርዓተ መንግስትን ንምድራኽ ዚሕግዝ፡ ሓባራዊ ስራሕ ዘጣጥሕ፡ ናይ ሓባር ባይታ ንምንዳይ ኢዩ።

ኤርትራ ሃገርና ኣብቲ ወሰናስን ሰሜናዊ ምብራቕ ቀርኒ ኣፍሪቃ፡ ኣብቲ ንኣፍሪቃን ማእከላይ ምብራቕን ዘራኽብ መስቀላዊ መንገዲ፡ ልዑል ስትራተጅያዊ ኣቀማምጣ ኣለዋ። መቓምጦ ኤርትራ ኣብቲ መላግቦ ቀይሕ ባሕርን ህንዳዊ ውቅያኖስን፡ ማለት፡ ኣብ ጐድኒ ናይቲ ብናይ ነዳዲ ሃብቱ ዚፍለጥ ዞባ ሓውሲ-ደሴት ዓረብን ወሽመጥ ፐርሽያን፡ ብሓደ ወገን፡ ኣብቲ ደቡባዊ ክንፊ ናይቲ መብዛሕትኡ እቲ ነዳዲ ዚሓልፈሉ መትረብ ስዌጽ ድማ፡ በቲ ኻልእ፡ ብምዃኑ፣ ዓቢ ስትራተጅያዊ ኣገዳስነት ይህባ።

እቲ ኣብዚ እዋንና ተኸሲቱ ዘሎ ኣናዋጺ ናዕቢ፡ ምስቲ ርቡጽ ተቐያያርነት ናይ ዞባና ተደሚሩ፡ ነቲ ስትራተጅያዊ ኣገዳስነት ሃገርና ብዝያዳ ብምዕባይን ተገዳስነት ናይተን ዓበይቲ ሓያላን ብምስሓብን፣ ነቲ ዞባ ናብ ዓውዲ ናይ ብርቱዕ ጀኦስትራተጅያዊ፡ ጀኦፖለቲካውን ጀኦቍጠባን ውድድር ንወተሃደራውን ባሕራውን መደበራት፡ ባህርያዊ ጸጋታት፡ ዕዳጋታን ወፍርን ቀይሩዎ ኣሎ። እቲ ናብቲ ዚምዕብል ዘሎ ዚመስል ሓዲሽ ዓለማዊ ስርዓት ገጹ ዘምርሕ ዳግመ-ስርርዕ ግሎባዊ ሓይልታት፡ ነቲ ዚጸንሐ እንኮ-ዋልታዊ ዓለምን (unipolar world) ዕብለላ ሕቡራት መንግስታት ኣመሪካ ኣብ ቀርኒ ኣፍሪቃን ብርቱዕ ብድሆ ይፈጥረሉ ኣሎ። እቲ ካብ ግዜ ናብ ግዜ እናጸንከረ ዚኸይድ ዘሎ ውድድር ቻይናን ኣመሪካን ድማ ሓዲሽ ረቛሒ ናይ ዞባዊ ዘይርግኣት ኪኸውን ዓቢ ተኽእሎ ኣለዎ።

ቻይና ተበግሶ ቅናትን ጽርግያን (Belt and Road Initiative) ብምዝርጋሕ ኰነ ለጋስ ልቓሕ ብምውፋይ፣ ትሕተቅርጻዊ ምዕባለ ብምድንፋዕ፣ ሰፊሕ ዕድል ግዳማዊ ቀጥታዊ ወፍሪን ንግድን ብምውዳድ፣ ኣብቲ ዞባ ህላዌኣ ንምዕዛዝን ንምሕያልን ኪትሰርሕ ጸኒሓ። ሩስያ ብመንገዲ ፖለቲካዊ ምሕዝነት፡ ጸጥታዊ ምትሕግጋዝ፡ ንግድን ወፍርን ኣቢላ ኣብቲ ዞባ ቀንዲ ተዋሳኢት ንምዃን ዲፕሎማስያውን ወተሃደራውን ህላዌኣ ንምህናጽ ትሰርሕ ኣላ። ኤውሮጳዊ ሕብረት ብወገኑ፡ ተርኡ ከም ኣህጕራዊ ተዋሳኢ ንምዕዛዝ፡ ብመንገዲ ኣተኣሳሳሪ ፕሮጀክትታት (connectivity projects) ኣብ ኣሃዛዊ (digital)፡ ክሊማን ጸዓትን፡ መጐዓዝያ፡ ጥዕና፡ ትምህርቲ፡ ምርምራዊ ጽላታት ኣብ መላእ ዓለም ትሕተቅርጻዊ ምዕባለ ንምድጋፍ ተበግሶ ዓለምለኻዊ ኣፍደገ (Global Gateway Initiative) ኣብ ምምስራሕ ኣሎ።

ኣብዚ ከምዚ ዚኣመሰለ ዓለምለኻውን ዞባውን ኵነታት፡ ኤርትራ ብቐጻሊ ዘይምምዕባል፡ ክቱር ድኽነትን ብርቱዕ ክሊማዊ ለውጥን ኣብ ምስቓይ ትርከብ። እቲ ብዚሳዕረረ ብልሽውናን ብሰፊሕ ማሕበራውን ቍጠባውን ዘይምዕሩይነታትን፡ ማለት፡ ሰፊሕ ጋግ ኣብ መንጎ’ቶም ውሑዳት ሃብታማትን ብዙሓት ድኻታትን፡ ዚልለ መላኺ ስርዓት፡ ብጨካን መድቈስቲ ይገዝእ ኣሎ። ክቱር ክሊማዊ ለውጢ ንኣከባቢ ከባድም፣ መነባብሮ ህዝቢ ከዕኑ፣ ንሰብኣዊ ኵነታት ናይቲ ኣብቲ ገጠራዊ ቍጠባ ብድራር-ዕለታዊ ማሕረስን ሰበኽሳግማዊ መጓሰን ዚናበ ኣብዝሓ ህዝብና ካብ ሕማቕ ናብ ዚሓመቐ ደረጃ ከውርድ ጸኒሑ። እቲ እኩብ ድምር ናይቲ ሰብ-ሰርሖ መዓታት ድማ፡ ጃምላዊ ድኽነት ይፈጥር፡ ንልምዳዊ መርበብ ማሕበራዊ ድሕነት የዳኽም፡ ንእልማት ሕብረተሰብ ይዘርግ።

ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ምጭባጥ ናጽነት ናብ ዚበለጸ ህይወት ናይ ሓርነት፡ ፍትሒ፡ ደሞክራስን ራህዋን ንከምርሕ ልዑል ተስፋን ዓቢ ትጽቢትን ነይሩዎ። ዘስደምም ናይ ታሪኽ ግሪንቢጥ ኰይኑ ግን፡ ዓወት ኣብ ብረታዊ ቃልሲ ኣብ እዋን ሰላም ልክዕ ተጻይ ኵነታት ፈጢሩ። ብጠንቂ’ቲ ዘጋጠመ ጥልመት፡ ኤርትራ ሎሚ ብስብርባር ናይ ዚተጠልመ መብጽዓታት፡  ዚተጠልመ ተስፋታት፡ ዚተጠልመ ትጽቢታት ጋዕዝያ ትርከብ።

እቲ ኣብ እዋን ብረታዊ ቃልሲ ገስጋሲ ዚነበረ ሓርነታዊ ምንቅስቓስ፡ ድሕሪ ናጽነት ናብ ሓደ ውልቀመላኺ ስርዓት ተቐይሩ፣ ንመሰረታዊ ዕላማታት ብረታዊ ቃልሲ ጠሊሙ፣ ኣብ ኤርትራ ጸጥታዊ ኣገዛዝኣ (securitisation) ኣተኣታትዩ። መሰረታዊ ናጽነታት፡ ሓርነታት ኰነ መሰላት ህዝቢ፡ ከም ድላዩ ብዘይ ስክፍታ ናይ ተሓታትነት፡ ይግህስ። ህዝብና  ብስእነት ኣቕርቦት መሰረታዊ ጠለባት መነባብሮን ጨካን መድቈስቲ ብዚፈጠሮ ራዕድን እናተሳቐየ፡ ኣብ ጥርዚ ናይ ዘየቋርጽ መከራን ስግኣትን ተንጠልጢሉ፡ ኣብ ኵነት ናይ ፍጹም ሕርመት ይነብር ኣሎ። መንእሰያት ኤርትራ፡ ግቡእ ስድራቤታዊ ኣተዓባብያ፡ ንቡር ትምህርቲ ኰነ ትስፉው መጻኢ ተነፊጎም፡ ካብ መጽቀጥትን ሓለንጊ ገደብኣልቦ ሃገራዊ ኣገልግሎትን ንምምላጥ፡ ነታ ሃገር እናራሕርሑ ይሃድሙ ኣለዉ። እቲ ህድማ ሰብኣዊ ርእሰማል ድማ፡ ኣእምሮኣዊ ዓቕሚ ኤርትራ የማስን፡ ኣፍራዪ ጉልበታ የኽስር፡ ልምዓታዊ ዕድላ የዳኽም ከም ዘሎ ርኡይ ኢዩ።

ናጻ ኤርትራ፡ ነቲ ስትራተጅያዊ ኣቀማምጣኣ፡ እኹል ባህርያዊ ጸጋታታን ጻዕረኛ ህርኩት ህዝባን ብግቡእ ምስ እትጥቀም፣ ዓቢ ተኽእሎ ናይ ልምዓት ከም ዚነበራ፣ ብሕጂ’ውን፡ ከም ዚህልዋ ዘማትእ ኣይኰነን። ይዅን’ምበር፡ እቲ ሃንዳፍ ሜላታትን ሓሳድ ተግባራትን ናይቲ መላኺ ስርዓት እናገደደ ዚኸይድ ኵነት ናይ ቍጠባዊ ምንቍልቋል፡ ፖለቲካዊ ተነጽሎን ዲፕሎምስያዊ ግሉልነትን ፈጢሩ። እቲ ዚነበረን ዘሎን ተኽእሎ ናይ ልምዓት፡ ብሰሪ’ቲ በቲ ስርዓት ዚተወስደ ግጉይ ሜላዊ ምርጫታትን ዚባኸነ ዕድላትን፡ እንተ ዘይግታእ ነይሩ፣ ኤርትራ ሎሚ ናብ ሓንቲ ውዕዉዕ ዞባዊ ማእከል ኢንዳስትሪ፡ ንግድን ኣገልግሎታትን እትውንን፣ ፍትሒ፡ ራህዋን ቅሳነትን ዚሰፈኖ ሕብረተሰብ ዚነብረላ፣ ተምሳላዊት ደሞክራስያዊት ሃገር ምማዕበለት ነይራ።

ግደ ሓቂ፡ እቲ መሰረታዊ ሽግር ኤርትራ ብኵራት ግዝኣተ ሕጊ፡ ወይ ድማ፡ ስፍነት ግዝኣተ ሰብ ኢዩ። እቲ ሃውራውን ተለዋዋጥን ዚዀነ ግዝኣተ ሰብ ግቡእ ሕጋዊ ኣገባብ ይጸልእ። ክንድ ዚዀነ፡ እቲ ሓድሽ ደሞክራስያዊ ኣከያይዳ ከተኣታቱን ኣብ ግዝኣተ ሕጊ ዚተመርኰሰ ግቡእ ኣጠቓቕማ መንግስታዊ መዝነት ኪባርኽን ትጽቢት ዚተነብረሉ ቅዋም ኤርትራ (1997) ኣይተተግበረን። እቲ ነቲ ቅዋም ንዘይምትግባር ብደይ መደይ ዚተወስደ ውሳኔ ድማ፡ ነቲ ኣብ ግዝኣተ ሕጊ ዚተመስረተ ቅዋማዊ መንግስትን ደሞክራስያዊ ምሕደራን ንምፍጣር ዚተኻየደ ጻዕሪ ቈጽዩዎ።

እቲ ቅዋም፡ መዋቕር ናይቲ መንግስቲ ይውስን፣ መዝነት መንግስቲ የነጽር፣ ዕማማት መንግስቲ ይዝርዝር፣ ስልጣናት ናይቲ ፈጻሚ፡ ሓጋግን ፈራድን ኣካላት መንግስቲ ይድርት። መሰረታዊ ሓርነታት ህዝቢ የውሕስ፣ መባእታዊ መሰላት ህዝቢ የረጋግጽ፣ ግቡኣት ዜግነት ይእውጅ፣ እቲ መንግስቲ፡ ነቶም መሰረታዊ መሰላትን ሓርነታትን ህዝቢ ንኸውሕስ የማሕጽን። ርግጽ፡ እቲ ቅዋም ሓድሓደ ጕድለታት ወይ መንቅባት ኣለዉዎ። ይዅን’ምበር፡ ሕጋዊ መሰረት ናይ ሃገረ ኤርትራ ዘንጽፍ፣ ከም መኽዘን ልዑላውነት ህዝቢ ኰነ ምንጪ ናይ ኵሉ ግቡእ ወይ ሕጋዊ ስልጣን ዘገልግል ምዃኑ ዘማትእ ኣይኰነን። ክንድ ዚዀነ፡ ልዑል ሓጋጊ ስልጣን፡ እንተላይ ኣዋጃት ምውጻእ፡ ሕጋገታት ዘቤታውን ግዳማውን ሜላ ምሕጋግ፡ ኣህጕራዊ ውዕላትን ስምምዓትን ምጽዳቕ፡ ነቲ ሃገራዊ ባይቶ ይሓዝእ።  

ኤርትራ ሎሚ እታ ብዘይ ዋላ ስማዊ ቅዋምን ባይቶን (ፓርላማን) ዘመሓድር መንግስቲ ዘለዋ እንኮ ሃገር ኣብ ኣፍሪቃ ኢያ። ነቲ ህዝብን መንግስትን ዘተኣሳስር ማሕበራዊ ውዕል (social compact) የለን። ምድስካል ሃገራዊ ባይቶ፡ ምምህማን ፍርዳዊ ኣካል ኰነ ምምንዛዕ ስልጣን ላዕለዋይ ቤት ፍርዲ በቲ ፍሉይ ቤት ፍርዲ፡ ነቲ መንግስቲ ናብ ሓደ ገባርን ሓዳግን ውልቀሰብ ኣውሪዱዎ ይርከብ። እቲ ውልቀምልኪ ንዅሉ ፖለቲካዊ፡ ቍጠባውን ማሕበራውን ምዕባለ ሃገር ይዓግት፣ ነቲ ግቡእ ሃረርታታት ህዝቢ ንሓርነት፡ ፍትሕን ራህዋን ንምምላእ ዚካየድ ጻዕሪ ይቘጺ።   

እቲ ፕረዚደንት፡ ቅዋማውን ትካላውን ገደብ ዘይብሉ ፍጹም ስልጣን ብፍጹም ብዕልግና ብምዝውታር፡ ነቲ መንግስታዊ መሓውር ንዅሉ መዳያት ሃገራዊ ህይወት ንምቍጽጻር ከም መሳርሒ ናይ መድቈስቲ ይጥቀመሉ። ንገዛእ ርእሱ፡ ብዘይ ዚዀነ ቀይዲ፡ ሃውራዊ ኣገዛዝኣ መታን ከዘውትር፡ ንዅሉ’ቲ ሰራራ መንግስታዊ መዋቕራትን ተግባራዊ ትካላትን ንምህናጽ ዚግበር ፈተነታት ይዕንቅጽ። እቲ ብዕሉግ ኣጠቓቕማ ስልጣኑ፡ ናይ ምእራም ዕድል ብዘይብሉ ኣገባብ፡ ንመሰላት፡ ሓርነታት፡ ክብረት ኰነ ህይወት ህዝቢ ይግህስ። እቶም ብልሽታዊ ትካላት ንህዝቢ ዘድልዩ ኣቕሑን ኣገልግሎታትን ከቕርቡ ዓቕሚ የብሎምን። ምስ’ዚ ዅሉ ድማ፡ ሓደ ካብቶም ኣብዚ ናይ ቀታሊ ለበዳ እዋን’ዚ ንህዝቢ ክታበት ኮቪድ-19 ዚኸልከሉ ኣዝዮም ውሑዳት መለኽቲ ኣብዛ ዓለም ኰይኑ ኣሎ።

ትግባረ ቅዋም፡ ኣብ ዝምችእ እዋን ብሕጋዊ ሃገራዊ ወካሊ ኣካል ኪመሓየሽ ዚኽእል ኰይኑ፡ ግዝኣት ሰብ ኣብቂዑ ግዝኣተ ሕጊ የንግስ። ንህዝቢ ኤርትራ፡ ምስቲ ዅሉ ብዙሕነቱ፡ ኣብ ኵሉ መዳያት ፖለቲካዊ፡ ቍጠባዊ፡ ማሕበራዊ ኰነ ባህላዊ ህይወት ናይታ ሃገር፡ ማዕረ ሓርነታት፡ ማዕረ መሰላት፡ ማዕረ ዕድላት ይህብ። ስለዚ እምበኣር፡ ኣድላይነት ትግባረ ቅዋም፡ ምስረታ ደሞክራስያዊ ምሕደራ ኰነ ምጽኣት ፖለቲካውን ቍጠባውን መቐይሮ ወዓል ሕደር ዘይበሃሎ ህጹጽ እዋናዊ ጕዳይ ህዝብናን ሃገርናን ኰይኑ ኣሎ።

ነቲ ብዛዕባ’ቲ ዓመጸኛ ስርዓት ዘሎ ሰፊሕ ሓፈሻዊ ህዝባዊ ዘይዕግበት ንምውዳን፣ ጥምረት ሓባራዊ ቃልሲ ንምህናጽ፣ ተግባራዊ ዓቕሚ ሓይልታት ደሞክራስያዊ ተቓውሞ ብምድንፋዕ፡ ሰላማዊ ስግግር ናብ ደሞክራስያዊ ምሕደራ ንምድራኽ ዕቱብ ጻዕሪ ምስልሳል የድሊ። ከምዚ ኣብዚ እንገብሮ ዘለና ዚኣመሰለ ሓቛፊ ልዝብ ምክያድ ድማ፡ ሓድሕዳዊ ምትእምማን ኰነ ኣብ ሓባራዊ መረዳእታ ናይ ታሪኽና፡ ኣብ ሓባራዊ ገምጋም ናይ ህሉው ኵነታትና፡ ኣብ ሓባራዊ ራእይ ናይ መጻኢና ዚተመስረተ ሓድነት ዕላማ ንምህናጽ ይሕግዝ። 

እዚ ኣብ ዳያስፖራ ዘሎ ተቓውሞ፡ ኤርትራ ሃገርና ካብ ክልተ ግንባራት ዚምንጭዉ ኣዝዮም ሓደገኛታት ዚዀኑ ህላዌኣዊ ስግኣታት ከም ዘለዉዋ ከስተውዕል ይግባእ።

እቲ ቀዳማይ ህላዌኣዊ ስግኣት፡ እቲ ነቲ ሃገራዊ ቍጠባ ናብ ቍልቍለት፡ ንህዝቢ ናብ ክቱር ድኽነት፡ ንመንእሰያት ናብ ስደት ዚደፍእ ሜላታትን ተግባራትን ናይቲ ዓመጸኛ ስርዓት ኢዩ። ሓደ ሓሳድ መላኺ፡ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ብሕሰም ከም ዚሳቐ፡ መንእሰይ ተጓሕጒሑ ከም ዚወጽእ፡ ሃገር ከም ትባድም፡ ብምግባር መጻኢኣ ኣብ ሓደጋ የወድቕ ኣሎ።

እቲ ካልኣይ ህላዌኣዊ ስግኣት ድማ፡ እቲ ነቲ ናይ ኤርትራ ሰሳኒ ዓቕሚ ግትኣት (sustainable deterrence capability) ህላዌኣዊ ግድነት ዚገብር፣ ካብታ ደቡባዊት ጐረቤትና፡ ብመልክዕ ዓባይ ኢትዮጵያ ይዅን ዓባይ ትግራይ፡ ኣብ ልዕሊ ሃገርና ወይ ገለ ክፋላት ሃገርና ብተደጋጋሚ ዚግለጽ ግዝኣታዊ ህርፋን ወይ ጥሙሕ ኢዩ። ነዚ ዘይረዊ ህርፋን’ዚ ክዉን ንምግባር፡ ህዝባዊ ወያነ ሓርነት ትግራይ (ህወሓት) ብፍላይ፡ ነቶም ዚዓበዩ ጸጋታት ኤርትራ ዒላማ ብምግባር፡ ብስቱርን ቅሉዕን ሽርሓዊ ኣገባባት፡ ከተጥቅዕ ጸኒሓን ኣላን። እቲ ስርዓታዊ መጥቃዕቲ ህወሓት፡ ብንጹር፡ ኣንጻር ሃገራዊ መንነትን ሃገራዊ ሓድነትን ህዝቢ ኤርትራ፣ ኣንጻር ግቡእነት ሃገራውነት ኤርትራ፣ ኣብ መወዳእታ ትንታኔ ድማ፡ ኣንጻር ህላወ ናጻ ልዑላዊት ሃገረ ኤርትራ ዚቐንዐ ኢዩ። ከምቲ ሓደ ፍሉጥ ሕጋዊ ሊቅ፡ ዶር. ገብረ ሂወት ተስፋጊዮርጊስ፡ ብንጹር ዳግም ዘረጋግጾ፦

ዚዀነ ጠለብ ዋንነት ናይ ክፋል ገማግም ቀይሕ ባሕሪ ኤርትራ ወይ ዋንነት ናይ ወደብ ዓሰብ ቀጥታዊ ዘለፋ ንልዑላውነትን ግዝኣታዊ ምሉእነትን ኤርትራ ኢዩ። ኣብ ታሪኻዊ ድሕረባይታ ወይ ባህላዊ ተመሳሳልነታት ዚተመርኰሰ ጠለባት ንኤርትራ (ወይ ንዚዀነ ግዝኣታዊ ቍርጽራጽ ካብኣ) ድሮ ተመጒቱ፡ ኤርትራ ከም ናጻ ልዑላዊት ሃገር ምስ ብዓለም ዚተፈልጠ ዶባት ኣብ 1993 ምስ ተወልደት መዕለቢ ረኺቡ።

ስለዚ፡ ኤርትራውያን ተነጣጠፍቲ ተቓውሞ ኣብ ጐድኒ ልዑላውነትን ግዝኣታዊ ምሉእነትን ኤርትራ ደው ኪብሉ፣ ፖለቲካ ኤርትራዊ ዳያስፖራ ድማ ካብቲ ኣበረኛ ዓንኬል ናይ ምምቕቓል፡ ምትፍናንን ምጕጅጃልን ሰይሩ ኪወጽእ፣ ግቡእ መኣዝኑ ኪሕዝ፣ ኣቓልቦኡ ናብቲ ኣብ ሃገርና ሓድሽ ደሞክራስያዊ ኣከያይዳ ንምምጻእ ዚሰላሰል ህጹጽ ዕማም ከድህብ እዋኑ ኢዩ። ሓያለ ጕጅለታትን ማዕከናት ፈነወ ዜናን ካብቲ ዚጠሓሱዎ ቀይሕ መስመር ከንሳሕቡ፣ ናብ ልቦም ኪምለሱ፣ መጋበርያ ናይቶም ንልዑላውነትን ግዝኣታዊ ምሉእነትን ሃገረ ኤርትራ ዚጻብኡ ባዕዳዊ ሓይልታት ካብ ምዃን ኪቝጠቡ ይግባእ። ብስም ተቓውሞ ነቲ መላኺ ስርዓት፡ ዕሱባትን ሓሙሻይ መስርዐኛታትን ምዃን ከቋርጹ ይግባእ። ለውጢ ኣብ ኤርትራ ውሽጣዊ ኤርትራዊ ጕዳይ ምዃኑ፣ ብኤርትራዊ ዋንነትን ውሳኔን ካብ ውሽጢ ከም ዚመጽእ፣ መጻኢ ዕድል ኤርትራ ኣብ ኢድ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ምዃኑ ኪግንዘቡን ኪቕበሉን ይግባእ።

ብዚተረፈ፡ ሓቀኛ ፖለቲካዊ ተቓውሞ ብሓደ ዚበለጸ ኣማራጺ ፕሮግራም ዚድገፍ ኣማራጺ ራእይ ሒዝካ፣ ካብቲ ዘሎ ስርዓት ዚሓሸ ኣማራጺ ስርዓት ንምትካል ምጥባቕ ማለት ኢዩ። ብሉጽ ራእይ ናይ ተስፋ፡ ራእይ ናይ ሓርነት፡ ራእይ ናይ ፍትሒ፡ ራእይ ናይ ዕድላት፡ ራእይ ናይ ራህዋ ንህዝቢ ኤርትራ። ሓደ ዓለማዊ ወይ ዕልማናዊ፡ ዜጋታት ዘማእከለ መንግስቲ ዘህንጽ ፕሮግራም፣ ኣሳታፊ፡ ተሓታቲ፡ ግሉጽን ደሞክራስያውን ምሕደራ ዘቕውም ፕሮግራም፣ ሃገራዊ ቍጠባ ዘባራብርን ሰብኣዊ ርእሰማል ኤርትራ ዚሃንጽን ፕሮግራም፣ ሃገራዊ ሓድነትን ኮማዊ ስኒትን ዘረጋግጽ ፕሮግራም፣ ምስ ጐረባብትና ሰላማዊ ሓባረ-ህላወን ሓድሕዳዊ ምትሕግጋዝን ንምዅስኳስ ዚሕልን ፕሮግራም።

እምበኣርከስ፡ እቲ ሓሳድ ስርዓት ምስቲ ብልሽታዊ ስርዓተ ምሕደርኡ ከም ዘብቅዕ ንምግባር ንዓልም፤ ኣተሓሳስባና ብግቡእ ኣመዓራሪና፡ ተግባራዊ ዓቕሚ ህዝብና ኣብ ውሽጥን ኣብ ወጻእን ንምሕያል ንስራሕ፤ መሰረታዊ መሰላት፡ መባእታዊ ሓርነታት ኰነ ራህዋን ቅሳነትን ዜጋታት ዘውሕስ ርእሰ-ምምሕዳራዊ ለውጥን ርጉእ ስግግር ናብ ቅዋማዊ መንግስትን ንምድራኽ ዚሕግዝ ንቑሕ ጥርናፈ ንፍጠር።

እቲ ኣብዚ ኣአኪቡና ዘሎ ኤርትራ ሲምፖዝዩም 2022 ኣብ ኤርትራ ለውጥን ርጉእ ስግግር ናብ ቅዋማዊ ምሕደራን ንምድራኽ ኣብ እነሰላስሎ ስራሕ ናይ ቃልሲ ምሕዝነትና ንምሕያል ዚዓለመ ኢዩ።

ኤርትራ ሲምፖዝዩም 2022 ኣብዘን ዚስዕባ ሓሙሽተ ነንሓድሕደን ዚመላልኣ ቴማዊ ፓነላት ዘተኰረ ኢዩ፦

ፓነል 1. ጀኦፖለቲካ፦ ዞባዊ ግጭታዊ ዳይናሚክን ምርግጋጽ ቀጻሊ ልዑላውነትን ግዝኣታዊ ምሉእነትን ኤርትራ

1. 1. ዘወጻጽእ ኣተኣላልያ ግጭታዊ ዳይናሚክስ ኣብ ቀርኒ እፍሪቃ
   2. ምስሳን ቀጻሊ ልዑላውነትን ግዝኣታዊ ምሉእነትን ኤርትራ

ፓነል 2. ለውጢ ካብ ውሽጢ፦ ምሕያል ተግባራዊ ዓቕሚ ህዝቢ ኣብ ለውጥን ደሞክራስያዊ ስግግርን

1. 1. ምሕያል ተግባራዊ ዓቕሚ ህዝቢ ኣብ ለውጥን ደሞክራስያዊ ስግግርን
   2. ሰገጥ ዘይብል ግስጋሰ ለውጢ ናብ ደሞክራስያዊ ስግግር

ፓነል 3. ዕርቂ፦ ኣብ ዳያስፖራ ምምቕቓል፡ ምትፍናንን ምጕጅጃልን ምውጋድ

1. 1. መሰረታዊ ጠንቅታት ምልላይ
   2. ግብራውን ዘስርሕን መኣረምታት ምንዳይ

ፓነል 4. ኣማራጺ ራእይ፦ ኣብ ሓባራዊ ራእይ ናይ ደሞክራስያዊትን ፍትሓዊትን ኤርትራ ዚተመስረተ ናይ ሓባር ባይታ ምምድማድ

1. 3. ኣብ ሓባራዊ ራእይ ናይ ደሞክራስያዊ ምሕደራ ዚተመስረተ ናይ ሓባር ባይታ ምምድማድ
   4. ቃልሲ ንፍትሒ ከም መሰረት ናይ ንቑሕ ጥርናፈ ኣብ ኤርትራዊ ዳያስፖራ

ፓነል 5. ጥርናፈ፦ ለውጥን ደሞክራስያዊ ስግግርን ንምድራኽ ንቑሕ ጥርናፈ ምህናጽ

1. 1. ጥርናፈ ኣብ ፖለቲካዊ ተነጣጣፍነት
   2. ጥርናፈ ኣብ ናይ ሚድያ ስራሓት

ነፍሲ ወከፍ ፓነል ብሓደ ኣላዛብን ክልተ ኣቕረብትን ዚቘመ ኰይኑ፡ ክፉት ክትዕ ኪስዕብ ኢዩ።

ብኣድማዒ ፍርያት ዚወጽእ ዕዉት ሲምፖዝዩም ኪዀነልና እትምነ።

ዕድመ ንናጻ ልዑላዊት ሃገረ ኤርትራ!

ዘልኣለማዊ ሓበን ንጀጋኑ ሰማእታትና!

ኤርትራዊ መንነትን ሓድነትን ይዓምብብ!

ፈጣሪ ንኤርትራን ህዝባን ይባርኽ!

 

ጽን ኢልኩም ስለ ዝሰማዕኩምኒ አመስግን።

Eritrea Symposium 2022
Need for a Shared Vision for a Stable Transition
Ambassador Andebrhan Welde Giorgis

Keynote Address

Dear Participants of Eritrea Symposium 2022,

Warm greetings. Welcome.

Thank you for coming here from all over Europe, Canada, and the US to participate in this important and timely Symposium. We are gathered here under the theme of the Need for a Vision for a Stable Transition to discuss the situation in our beloved country and seek common ground for joint action to help crystallise change and democratic transition that assures our people freedom, justice, and prosperity.

Our country Eritrea occupies a highly strategic location at the north-eastern rim of the Horn of Africa (HoA) and at the crossroads of Africa and the Middle East. Eritrea’s location at the nexus of the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean, adjacent to the oil-rich Arabian Peninsula and the Persian Gulf, and at the southern flank of the Strait of Bab el Mandeb through which much of that oil passes, lends it great strategic importance.

The turbulence of our times and the volatility of our region heighten this strategic importance and attract the interest of major powers, turning the region into a sphere of fierce geostrategic, geopolitical and geoeconomic competition for military and naval bases, natural resources, markets, and investment. A realignment of global forces towards an evolving new world order poses a challenge to the unipolar world and US hegemony in the Horn of Africa. Intensifying Sino-American rivalry adds a new factor of potential regional instability.

China has moved to establish and strengthen its presence in the region through its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and the provision of generous loans, infrastructure development, foreign direct investment, and trade. Russia has started to rebuild its diplomatic and military presence and establish itself as a key player in the region through political solidarity, security cooperation, trade, and investment. The EU has launched its Global Gateway (GG) initiative to support infrastructure development across the world through connectivity projects in the digital, climate and energy, transport, health, education, and research sectors to reset and strengthen Europe as a global actor.

Meanwhile, Eritrea continues to suffer from underdevelopment, extreme poverty, and climate change. The authoritarian regime rules through brutal repression marked by rampant corruption and wide social and economic disparities between the few haves and the many have-nots. Extreme climate change devastates the environment, ruins livelihoods, and degrades the human condition in the rural areas where subsistence farming and nomadic pastoralism are the mainstay of the local economy. The combined effect of these manmade disasters causes mass impoverishment, weakens traditional social safety nets, and disrupts the fabric of society.

The Eritrean people had high hopes and great expectations that independence would usher in a better life of freedom, justice, democracy, and prosperity. In an ironic twist of history, victory in the armed struggle produced the exact opposites in peacetime. Eritrea today is littered with the shards of broken expectations, broken promises, and broken hopes.

Post-independence, a once progressive liberation movement atrophied into an authoritarian personalist regime, betrayed the original aims of the struggle, and securitised the Eritrean state. It violates the basic freedoms, liberties, and rights of the people with impunity. Lacking access to essential necessities and terrorised by brutal repression, the people suffer from a state of deprivation verging on perennial misery and insecurity. Denied proper family upbringing, normal education, and hope of a better future, Eritrea’s youth flee the country to escape repression and the scourge of indefinite national service. The human capital flight saps Eritrea’s brain power, negates its productive potential and undermines its development prospects.

Capitalising on its strategic location, adequate natural resources and a hardworking industrious people, independent Eritrea has a great opportunity for development. However, the regime’s imprudent policies and malevolent practices have produced a worsening state of economic regression, political isolation, and diplomatic disengagement. Its wrong policy choices and squandered opportunities have forfeited Eritrea’s potential to grow into a prototype democratic state, a vibrant regional hub of industry, commerce, and services, and a prosperous society.

The fundamental problem in Eritrea is the absence of the rule of law and the exercise of the rule of man. The arbitrary and capricious rule of man shuns due process. The timely application of the Constitution of Eritrea (1997) was expected to initiate a new democratic dispensation and sanction the exercise of legitimate state authority based on the rule of law. However, a deliberate decision to cast the Constitution aside has subverted the effort to create a constitutional state and democratic governance founded on the rule of law.   

The Constitution determines the structure, defines the authority, specifies the functions, and delimits the powers of the executive, legislative and judiciary branches of the government. It guarantees the fundamental freedoms, proclaims the basic rights, stipulates the duties of citizenship and requires the state to safeguard them. Despite certain defects, it is designed to serve as the legal foundation of the Eritrean State, the repository of the sovereignty of the people, and the source of all legitimate authority. It vests supreme legislative power, including the issuance of proclamations, the promulgation of legislation on domestic and foreign policy, the ratification of international treaties and agreements, in the National Assembly.

Today, Eritrea has the only government in Africa that operates without a functional constitution or parliament. No bond of a social contract binds the people and the state. The suspension of the National Assembly; the emasculation of the judiciary; and the Special Court’s arrogation of the powers of the High Court have reduced the government to a single decisionmaker. The autocracy obstructs political, economic, and social development and undermines the effort to achieve the people’s legitimate aspirations for freedom, justice, and prosperity.  

Exercising absolute power without constitutional or institutional constraints, the president uses the state apparatus as an instrument of suppression to control all aspects of national life. He obstructs any attempt to build viable state structures and functional institutions to give himself free rein to impose arbitrary rule. His abuse of power violates the rights, freedoms, dignity, and lives of the people without recourse to redress. Dysfunctional institutions are unable to deliver public goods and services. To cap it all, he is one of very few despots in the world to deny Covid-19 vaccine to the people amid the deadly pandemic.

The application of the Constitution, amendable by an authorised national representative body in due course, would end the rule of man and crown the rule of law. It would avail the Eritrean people, in all their diversity, equal freedoms, equal rights and equal opportunities in every aspect of the nation’s political, economic, social, and cultural life. The need to apply the rule of law, establish democratic governance, and bring about political and economic transformation has thus become imperative.

Earnest endeavour is needed to harness the widespread popular discontent with the predatory regime, build coalescence and lend agency to the forces of democratic resistance to crystallise peaceful transition to constitutional governance. Engaging in inclusive dialogue helps us build mutual trust and unity of purpose based on a common understanding of our past, a mutual appraisal of our present and a shared vision of our future.

The Diaspora opposition must beware that Eritrea faces dire existential threats from two fronts.  First, the policies and practices of a predatory regime that drive the national economy down, the poverty of the people up and the youth out. A malevolent dictator is emptying Eritrea of its people, especially the youth, and jeopardising its future.

Second, the territorial ambitions of our southern neighbour over our country or parts thereof, be it in the form of Greater Ethiopia or Greater Tigray, that make Eritrea’s sustained deterrence capability an existential necessity. To make the insatiable ambition a reality, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), in particular, targets Eritrea’s greatest assets. The TPLF’s systematic attack is subversively and openly directed against the national identity and the national unity of the Eritrean people, against the legitimacy of Eritrean nationalism and, in the final analysis, against the very existence of the sovereign State of Eritrea. As a prominent legal scholar, Dr. Gebre Hiwet Tesfagiorgis, JD, clearly reaffirms: 

[A]ny claim of ownership of the Red Sea coast portion of Eritrea or ownership of the Port of Asseb is a direct affront to the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Eritrea. Claims for Eritrea (or any territorial pieces thereof), based on historical background or cultural similarities, were already litigated, and settled when Eritrea emerged as an independent sovereign state in 1993 with internationally recognized boundaries.

It is thus time that Eritrean opposition activists stand with the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Eritrea and diaspora politics breaks out of the vicious cycle of divisions, polarisation, and fragmentation; finds its compass; and focuses on the urgent task to bring about a new democratic dispensation at home. Several groups and media outlets should backtrack the red line and stop being tools of foreign forces hostile to the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the State of Eritrea. They should stop being mercenaries and fifth columnists in the name of opposition to the authoritarian regime. They should recognise and accept that change in Eritrea is an internal Eritrean affair, that it will come about from within via Eritrean ownership and decision, and that the destiny of Eritrea lies in the hands of the Eritrean people.

Otherwise, genuine political opposition is about advocating an alternative vision backed by an alternative programme. A vision of hope, freedom, justice, opportunities, and prosperity for the Eritrean people. A programme of building a secular, citizen-centered government; forming participatory, accountable, transparent, and democratic governance; reviving the national economy and building Eritrea’s human capital; ensuring national unity and social harmony; and pursuing peaceful coexistence and reciprocal cooperation with our neighbours.

Let us then aim to end the malevolent regime and its dysfunctional governance system; get our act together and work to strengthen the agency of our people at home and abroad; and create conscious coalescence to help catalyse autonomous change and stable transition to a constitutional government that guarantees the fundamental rights, basic freedoms, and prosperity of its citizens.

In gathering us here, Eritrea Symposium 2022 aims to strengthen our solidarity in pursuit of a Vision for a Stable Transition.

The Eritrea Symposium 2022 will focus on five interrelated thematic panels, namely:

1. Regional Conflict Dynamics and Sustaining Eritrea’s Sovereignty and Territorial Integrity
   1. Navigate the Conflict Dynamics in the HoA
   2.  Sustain Eritrea’s Sovereignty and Territorial Integrity
2. Empower the People’s Agency for a Seamless Progression to Democratic Transition
   1. Empower the People’s Agency in Democratic Change and Transition
   2. Seamless Progression of Change into Democratic Transition
3. Overcome Divisions, Polarisation, and Fragmentation in the Diaspora
   1. Identify Underlying Causes
   2. Find Practical and Workable Remedies
4. Build Common Ground Based on a Shared Vision of a Democratic and Just Eritrea
   1. Build Common Ground Based on a Shared Vision of Democratic Governance
   2. Fight for Justice as a Basis for Conscious Coalescence among the Eritrean Diaspora
5. Build Conscious Coalescence to Catalyse Change and Democratic Transition
   1. Coalescence in Political Activism
   2. Coalescence in Media Work

Each panel comprises a moderator and two presenters, followed by open discussion.

Eternal Glory to Our Martyrs!

Long Live an Independent Sovereign State of Eritrea!

God Bless Eritrea and its People!

Thank you.