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ብራሰልስ፡ በልጁም

28 ነሓሰ 2021

ሲምፖዝዩም ኤርትራ 2021

መኽፈቲ መደረ

ምሕያል ተግባራዊ ዓቕሚ ህዝቢ ኣብ ለውጥን ደምክራስያዊ ስግግርን

ኣምባ. ዓንደብርሃን ወልደጊዮርጊስ

 

ዝኸበርክንን ዝኸበርኩምን ተሳተፍቲ ኤርትራ ሲምፖዝዩም 2021:

ምዉቕ ሰላምታይ ብምቕዳም፡ እንቋዕ ብደሓን መጻእኩም።

ኣስዒበ፡ ኣብዚ ለበዳ ኮቪድ-19 ኣብ መላእ ዓለም ተላቢዑ፡ ንዅለን ሃገራትን ንዅሎም ህዝብታትን ብዘይ ኣፈላላይ፡ ብኣልማማ ብምጥቃዕ ዛጊት ልዕሊ 4.5 ሚልዮን ህይወት ሰብ በሊዑሉ ዘሎ ጽንኩር እዋን’ዚ፣ ኵሉ ስድራቤታዊ፡ ሞያውን ብሕታውን ጕዳያትኩም ኣወንዚፍኩም፡ ካብ ዚተፈላልዩ ኵርናዓት ዓለም፡ ኣብዚ ሲምፖዝዩም’ዚ ንምስታፍ ብምምጻእኩም ብልቢ አመስግን።

ኤርትራ ሲምፖስዩም 2021 መቐጸልታ ናይቶም ቅድሚ ሕጂ ብሓልዮት ኤሪ-ፕላትፎርም ዚተኻየዱ ሰለስተ ተኸታተልቲ ሲምፖዝዩማት ኰይኑ፣ ኣብዚ እዋን’ዚ ንኤርትራን ንኤርትራዊ ዳያስፖራን ኣብ ዘገድሱ ሓሙሽተ ቀንዲ ቴማታት ዘተ ከተኵር ኢዩ። ዕላምኡ፡ ኣብዚ ወሳኒ መድረኽ’ዚ፡ ኣብቲ ኣብ ሃገርና ለውጥን ደሞክራስያዊ ስግግርን ንምምጻእ እነካይዶ ቃልሲ (1) ነቶም ዘጋጥሙና ብድሆታት ብውድዕ መሚና ንምምካት፤ (2) ነቶም ዚኽፈቱልና ዕድላት ኣለሊና ብግቡእ ንምጥቃም፤ (3) ዘዐውት ኣገባብ ቃልሲ ንምርዓም ዘኽእለና ኣድማዒ ስትራተጂ ንምድህሳስ ኢዩ።

ኣብዚ እቲ ናይ ቀረባ ጐደቦና ብብርቱዕ ኲናትን ዓሚቝ ቅልውላውን ዚናወጸሉ ዘሎ ተሃዋሲ እዋን’ዚ፡ ዘተና ብቐንዱ (1) ብዛዕባ እዋናዊ ሃለዋት ኰነ መሰረታዊ ረብሓ ሃገርናን ህዝብናን ሓባራዊ መረዳእታ ንምዅስኳስ፣ (2) ንፖለቲካዊ መጻኢ ሃገርና ዘርብሕ ሓባራዊ ራእይ ንምምዕባል፣ (3) ኣብ ሃገርና ርእሰ-ምምሕዳራዊ ለውጢ ኣብ ምቅልጣፍን ደሞክራስያዊ ስግግር ኣብ ምድራኽን፡ ተኽእሎ ኣበርክቶና ንምድህሳስ ዚሓለነ ኢዩ።  

በዚ ሓጺር መእተዊ’ዚ፡ ናብቲ ቀንዲ ኣብዚ ዘአከበና ጕዳይ ክኣቱ እየ።

ኦቶ ፎን ቢስማርክ፡ እቲ ውሩይ ፕራሻዊ ፖለቲካዊ መራሕን መሃንድስ ሕብረትን ሃገረ ጀርመን፡ ኣብ ሓደ እዋን “ፖለቲካ ስነ-ጥበበ ናይቲ ዚከኣል፡ ዚፍጸም - ስነ-ጥበብ ናይቲ ቀጺሉ ዚበለጸ ኢዩ” (“politics is the art of the possible, the attainable – the art of the next best”) ይብል። ካብ እዋን ቢስማርክ ኣትሒዙ፡ እቲ ዝውታረ ርየልፖለቲክ (realpolitik) ኣብ ጕዳይ ሃገር ናብ ደረጃ ምስላ ወይ ብሂል ደይቡ ይርከብ። እዚ ብሂል’ዚ፡ ሎሚ ምስ’ቲ ህሉው ኵነታት ሃገርና ብምዝማድ ኪርአ እንከሎ፡ ፖለቲካ ነቲ ህሉው ክዉንነት ናብቲ ኪኸውን ዚግብእ ክዉንነት ንምቕያር ዚሰላሰል ፕራግማታዊ ተግባር ምዃኑ ኪውሰኾ ይከኣል። ማለት፡ ነቲ ኣብ ባይታ ዘሎ ክዉንነት፡ ኣብ መንጎ እቶም ዘለዉና ባህግታት፡ ተኽእሎታትን ጸጋታትን ሚዛን ዚሓለወ ቀጻሊ ጻዕሪ ብምክያድ፡ ናብቶም እንደልዮም ዕላማታት ገጹ ንምድፋእ ዚዓለመ ፕራግማታዊ ተግባር ኢዩ።

ኣብዚ እዋን’ዚ፡ ኣብ ዳያስፖራዊ ፖለቲካ ኤርትራ ኣብ ዚተመዛዘነ ሓባራዊ ባህግታት፡ ተኽእሎታትን ጸጋታትን ዚተመስረተ ጥርናፈ ሃገራዊ ሓይልታት ምፍጣር ርኡይ ተደላይነት ኣለዎ። እቲ ተጐጃጂሉ፡ ስነ-ጥበብ ናይቲ ዘይከኣል ርዒሙ፣ ኣብ ዓንኬል ናይ ሓድሕዳዊ ምምቕቓል፡ ምክሳስን ምትፍናንን ዕንክሊል ኪብል ዚጸንሐ ዳያስፖራዊ ፖለቲካ ኤርትራ ዛጊት ዕቱብ፡ ጥሙር፡ ኣድማዒ ተቓውሞ ከሰላስል ኣይከኣለን። ክንየው ግብራዊ ልምሰት፡ ብዙሓት ኣብቲ ቀጽሪ ተቓውሞ መኣዝኖም ስሒቶም፣ ብዋጋ ረብሓ ሃገሮምን ህዝቦምን፡ ናብ ኣብ ጕዳያት እንዳማቶም ዚቋየቑ፣ ንረብሓ ወረርቲ ዘገልግሉ ከዳዕቲ ሃገሮምን ህዝቦምን ተቐይሮም ኣለዉ። ብሓቂ፡ ሓድሓደ ውልቀሰባት፡ ፖለቲካዊ ጕጅለታትትን ማዕከናት ዜናን፡ ብፍላይ፡ ንቡር ደረታት ጭውነትን ሓላፍነታዊ ኤርትራውነትን ጥሒሶም ኣብ ደልሃመት ናይ በለጻዊ ዕሱብነት፡ ግሁድ ክድዓት ኰነ ርኡይ ከዳምነት ተዋፊሮም ኣለዉ።

ኣብ ትሕቲ ጕልባብ ናይ ተቓውሞ ኣንጻር’ቲ መላኺ ስርዓት፡ ሓያሎ ኤርትራውያን ምስቶም ንነዊሕ እዋን፦

1. ኣብ ልዕሊ ግዝኣት ወይ መሬት ኤርትራ ኣስፋሕፋሒ ህርፋን ከሰራስሩ ዚጸንሑን ዘሰራስሩ ዘለዉን፤
2. ብግብሪ ዚተራእየ ታሪኽ ናይ ወራርን ግህሰት ግዝኣታዊ ምሉእነትን ሃገረ ኤርትራ ዘለዎም፤
3. ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ማእለያ ዘይብሉ ግፍዕታት፡ እንተላይ ጥርዝያታትን ራስያን ዚፈጸሙ፤
4. ንኤርትራዊ ሃገርነት፡ ንኤርትራዊ ሃገራዊ መንነት፡ ንኤርትራዊ ሓድነት፡ ንኤርትራዊ ኮማዊ ስኒት፡ ንኤርትራዊ ባህላዊ ክብርታት፡ ወዘተ.፡ ብቐጻሊ ከዳኽሙን ከጸልሙን ዚጸንሑን ዘለዉን፤   

ተጻባእቲ ባዕዳዊ ሓይልታት ብቕሉዕ ኣሻሪዮም፡ ብንጥፈት ዚድግፉን ብግሁድ ዘማልዱን ኣለዉ። እቲ ዚኸፍአ ድማ፡ ብዘይ ሕፍረትን ጣዕሳን ይቕጽሉዎ ምህላዎም ኢዩ።

ሕሉፍ ሓሊፎም፡ ንሓድሽ ወራር ህዝባዊ ወያነ ሓርነት ትግራይ ኣብ ልዕሊ ኤርትራ ኪዕድሙ፣ ነቲ ብሓይልታት ወያነ ኣብ ልዕሊ’ቶም ኣብ ትግራይ ዚተዓቝቡ ኤርትራውያን ስደተኛታት ካብ ፈለማ ኣትሒዙ ኪፍጸም ዚጸንሐ ዘስካሕክሕ ግፍዕታት ክሳብ ምኽሓድ፡ ምንሓፍ ወይ’ውን ምምኽናይ ኪኸዱ ክትዕዘብ ኣዝዩ ዘስደምም ተርእዮ ኢዩ። ምስ ተጻባእቲ ባዕዳዊ ሓይልታት ብምውጋን፡ ቀይሕ መስመር ሰጊሮም፣ ፍጹም ሞራላዊ ጥፍሽናኦም ኣቃሊዖም፣ ከም ውጽኢቱ ድማ፡ ነቲ ዳያስፖራዊ ተቓውሞ ብዝያዳ መቓቒሎምን ነንሓድሕዱ ኣተፋኒኖምን ኣለዉ።  

ኣብ ህይወት ደቂሰብ ኰነ ኣብ ምዕባለ ሰብኣዊ ሕብረተሰብ፡ ለውጢ ቀዋሚ ረቛሒ ኢዩ። ግዜ ድማ ለውጢ ዘስገድድ ዓቢ ፈታሕ ሽግር ኢዩ፤ ነቶም በብእዋኑ ዚቕልቀሉ ግድላት በብመድረኹ መዕለቢ እናዋደደ የወግን። ኣብ መወዳእታ ትንታኔ፡ ታሪኽ ኣብ ፍርዱ ንዚዀነ ከዳዕ ወይ ዕሱብ ኣየናሕስን ኢዩ። እዋኑ ምስ ኣኸለ፡ እዚ ዅሉ ተሓላቒ ረብሓታት ናይ ተጻባኢ ባዕዳዊ ሓይሊ ብምዃን፡ ንሓይልታት ምክልኻል ኤርትራ ምጥቃን፣ ነቲ ሃገራዊ ሓይሊ ምዝላፍ ኰነ ኣብ ውሽጢ’ቲ ተቓውሞ ሓድሕዳዊ ምትፍናን ምፍጣር፣ ምስ ኣብቅዐ፤ ብርግጽ ድማ ከብቅዕ ኢዩ፣ ንሃገራዊ ዕርቅን ማሕበራዊ ስኒትን ባይታ ዘጣጥሕ፣ ንዅሉ’ቲ ዚተፈጸመን ዚፍጸም ዘሎን ክድዓት፡ በደላት ይዅን ገበናት ዚእርም፣ ነቶም ግዳያት ዚድብስ፣ ተሓታትነት ዘረጋግጽ ኣሰጋጋሪ ፍትሒ ምስልሳል ግድን ከድሊ ኢዩ።

እቲ ኣብ ትሕቲ መድቈስቲ ናይ ሓደ ኣረሜናዊ ውልቀ-መላኺ ንነዊሕ እዋን ብሕሰም ኪሳቐ ዚጸንሐ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ሎሚ ኣብ ወሳኒ ህሞት ይርከብ። እቲ መወዳእታ ናይቲ ሓሳድ ስርዓትን ብልሽታዊ ኣገባብ ምሕደርኡን ኣብ ደረት ትርኢት ቀሪቡ፤ እቲ ኪስዕብ ዚግባእ ደሞክራስያዊ ስግግር ኪትግበር ዚከኣል ምዃኑ ድማ እናበርሀ መጺኡ ኣሎ። ጸጋታትና ኣኻኺብና ኣድማዒ ስራሕ ንምስልሳል ምስ እንበቅዕ፡ ኣብ ጥርኑፍ ሓባራዊ ጽምዶ ምስ እንኣቱ፡ ንተግባራዊ ዓቕሚ ናይቲ ኣብ ውሽጢ ሃገር ኰነ ኣብ ዳያስፖራ ዚነብር ህዝብና፡ ኣብ ምሕያል ዓቢ እጃም ከነበርክት ከም እንኽእል እኣምን። ብርግጽ፡ ኣብ ሃገርና ሰላም፡ ፍትሕን ራህዋን ንምስፋን ርእሰ-ምምሕዳራዊ ለውጢ ኣብ ምቅልጣፍ ክንሕግዝ፣ ርጉእ ሰላማዊ ስግግር ናብ ቅዋማዊ መንግስትን ደሞክራስያዊ ምሕደራን ኣብ ምምጻእ ከነበርክት ንኽእል።

ሎሚ እቲ ናይ ቀረባ ጐደቦና ብዓሚቝ ቅልውላው ናይ ኲናት፡ ዘይርግኣት፡ ህውከትን ምትፍናንን ይሕመስ ኣሎ። ብፍላይ ህዝብታት ኢትዮጵያ ኣደዳ ኲናት ሓድሕድን ኣዕናዊ ጐድናዊ ሳዕቤናቱን ኰይኑ ኣብ ሕሱም ስቓይ ይርከብ። በጨቕታ ናይቲ ኲናትን ህውከትን ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝብናን ሃገርናን፡ እንተላይ ኣብቲ ዳያስፖራዊ ተቓውሞ፡ ሓያል ኣሉታዊ ስንብራት ከም ዘኸተለ ንኵላትና ብሩህ ኢዩ። ንሓደ ካብቲ ቀንዲ ጠንቅታት ናይዚ ኣሉታዊ ስንብራት’ዚ ኣብቲ ዳያስፖራዊ ተቓውሞ ንምግላጽ፡ ንሓደ ካብቲ ኣብ 2ይ ኲናት ዓለም ቀዳማይ ሚኒስተር ብሪጣንያ ዚነበረ ዊንስቶን ቸርቺል ኣብ ሓደ እዋን ኣጋጢሙኒ ዚበሎ ፍጻሜ ብቓሉ እጠቅስ፦

“ሓደ መዓልቲ ኣብ ቤት ጽሕፈት ቢቢሲ (BBC) ቃለመጠይቕ ንምክያድ፡ ታክሲ ወሲደ። ኣብኡ ምስ በጻሕኩ፡ ነቲ በዓል ታክሲ፡ ክሳብ ዝምለስ ን40 ደቓይቕ ኪጽበየኒ ሓቲተዮ። እቲ በዓል ታክሲ ‘ንገዛይ ከይደ ንመደረ ዊንስቶን ቸርቺል ክሰምዕ ስለ ዘለኒ፡ ኣይትሓዘለይ፡ ክጽበየካ ኣይክእልን’የ’ ኢሉኒ። በቲ ንመደረይ ክሰምዕ ምድላዩ፡ ኣዝየ ተገሪመን ተሓጒሰን፡ መን ምዃነይ ከይነገርኩዎ፡ ኣብ ክንዲ 5 ፓውንድ፡ 20 ፓውንድ ኣውጺአ ሂበዮ። ነቲ ገንዘብ ምስ ተቐበለ፡ “ጐይታይ፡ ክሳብ ትምለስ ንሰዓታት ክጽበየካ እየ። ግደፎ ቸርቺል ኣብ ገሃነም ይኺድ፣ ክጽበየካ እየ” ኢሉኒ።

እቲ ምህሮ ኣዝዩ ንጹር’ዩ። መትከላት ብኸመይ ብገንዘብ ከም ዚልወጡ የርኢ። ሃገር ንገንዘብ ትሽየጥ፤ ክብረት ንገንዘብ ይሽየጥ፤ ስድራቤታት፡ ኣዕሩኽ ብገንዘብ ተጻሊኦም ይፈላለዩ፤ ሰባት ንገንዘብ ይቐትሉ፣ ንገንዘብ ጊልያታት ኰነ ከደምቲ ይዀኑ፤ ንገንዘብ ሃገሮምን ህዝቦምን ከዲዖም ንጸላኢ ይዕሰቡ።

እዚ ዅሉ ጥልመትን ክድዓትን ብዘየገድስ፡ ለውጢ ኣብ ኤርትራ ውሽጣዊ ኤርትራዊ ጕዳይ ምዃኑ፣ መጻኢ ዕድል ኤርትራ ኣብ ኢድ ናይ ዚዀነ ባዕዳዊ ሓይሊ ዘይኰነስ፣ ኣብ ኢድ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ፡ ብፍላይ ድማ ኣብ ኢድ ናይዚ ሓድሽ ኤርትራዊ ወለዶ፡ ምህላዉ ፍጹም ብምእማን፡ ብኣድማዕነት ንምስራሕ ንበገስ። ኣብዚ ወሳኒ መድረኽ’ዚ፡ እቲ ፕሮ-ደሞክራሲ ዚዀነ ኤርትራዊ ተነጣጣፊ ኣብ ዳያስፖራ፡ ኣብቲ ውሽጣዊ ግጭት ኢትዮጵያ፡ እንተዀነ ኣተዓራቒ ተራ ኪጻወት፡ ብዚተረፈ ድማ፡ ምዙን ዘይሻራዊ መርገጺ ኪሕዝ ኣዝዩ ኣገዳሲ ኢዩ። ንሕና ብቐዳምነት፡ ኣብቲ ነቲ ህሉው ምልካዊ ስርዓት ብሓደ ኣብ ግዝኣተ ሕጊ፡ ደሞክራስያዊ መትከላትን ኣኽብሮት ሰብኣዊ መሰላትን ዚምስረት፡ ቅዋማዊ መንግስቲ ንምትካእ ዚካየድ ሃገራዊ ጻዕሪ ከነድህብ ይግባእ።

ሎሚ ኣብዚ ኣብ ትሕቲ ምሕያል ተግባራዊ ዓቕሚ ህዝቢ ኣብ ለውጥን ደምክራስያዊ ስግግርን ዚብል ቴማ ዚጋባእ ዘሎ ሲምፖዝዩም ኤርትራ 2021 ምእንቲ እዚ ዕላማ’ዚ ኢና ተኣኪብና ዘለና። እቲ ማእከላይ ህሞታዊ ሕቶ፡ ነቲ ኣብ ቅድሜና ተገቲሩ ዘሎ ብድሆ ንምምካት ይዅን መድረኻዊ ሓላፍነትና ንምስካም ተቐሪብና ኣለና ዲና፧ ዚብል ኢዩ። ነፍሲ ወከፍና፡ ኣነ ምስቶም ምሳይ ተመሳሳሊ ኣረኣእያ ዘለዎም ደቂ ሃገረይ ብሓባር ብምስራሕ ነቲ ጾር ክስከሞን ነቲ ዕማም ክፍጽሞን ድሉው ድየ ዚብል ሕቶ ከልዕልን ብጽሞና ኪምልስን ይግባእ።

ናብቲ ምዱብ ፕሮግራምና ብዝርዝር ቅድሚ ምእታው፡ ምናልባት ብዛዕባ ሓደ ኣብዚ ቀረባ እዋን ዚተቐልቀለ፣ ነቲ ዳያስፖራዊ ፖለቲካ ኤርትራ ብዝያዳ ዚመቓቕል ኣርእስቲ ሓጺር ሓፈሻዊ መግለጺ ምቕራብ ኣገዳሲ እመስለኒ። እዚ ድማ እቲ  ‘መንግስቲ ኣብ ስደት’ ዚብል እማመ ኢዩ። ከም መበገሲ፡ እቲ እማመ ንገዛእ ርእሱ ሓድሽ ኣይኰነን። ቅድሚ ዓሰርተ (10) ዓመታት ኣቢሉ ካብ ወጻኢ፡ ብደገፍ ግዳማዊ ሓይልታት ኣብ ኤርትራ ስርዓት ንምቕያር ተወጢኑ ብግብሪ ኣብ ፍጹም ፍሽለት ዕንክሊል ኪብል ዚጸንሐ ህውተታ ኢዩ።

እቲ ዛጊት ዘጋጠሞ ፍሽለት ድማ፡ ንኤርትራን ህዝባን ጸጋ እምበር ዕዳ ኣይኰነን። ምኽንያቱ፡ እቲ ውድዓዊ ውጽኢት ናይ ኵሉ’ቲ ብግዳም ዚመጽእ ለውጢ፣ ርሑቕ ከይከድና፡ እቲ ንህዝብታት ሶማልያ፡ ዒራቕ፡ ሲርያ፡ ሊብያ ኰነ ኣፍጋኒስታን ዚሕምስ ዘሎ ኣሰቃቒ ክዉንነት እኹል መርኣያ ኢዩ። ስለዚ፡ ከምቲ ብናይ ግዳም ሓይልታት ተሓርዩ ንዒራቕን ህዝባን ኣብ ዓሚቝ ዓዘቕቲ ናይ ቀጻሊ ቅልውላው ዘሸመመ “መራሒ” ዚኸውን፡ ኤርትራዊ ኣሕመድ ሻላቢ ንህዝብናን ሃገርናን ዚጐድእ’ምበር ዚጠቅም ኣይኰነን።    

እቲ እማመ ‘መንግስቲ ኣብ ስደት’፡ ብቐዳምነት ኣብቲ ነቲ ብሕብረብሄራዊ ሓድነትን ኮማዊ ስኒትን ዚልለ ሕብረተሰብ ኤርትራ ከም “ብክልተ ኣተሓሳስባታት፡ ብክልተ ባህልታት፡ ብክልተ ቋንቋታት” ዚቘመ ሕብረተሰብ ኣምሲሉ ዚገልጽ ግጉይ መቓቓሊ ጕጅላዊ መበገሲ (divisive sectarian premise) ሰረት ዘንጸፈ ኢዩ። እቲ ትግባረ ናይ ከምዚ ዚኣመሰለ ጕጅላዊ ፖለቲካ (sectarian politics) ኣብ ሊባኖስ፡ ነቲ ብቐጻሊ ኲናት ሓድሕድ፡ ምቅትታልን ህውከትን ዚሕመስ ህዝቢ ሊባኖስ ጐዲኡ’ምበር ኣይጠቐመን። እቲ ኣዝዩ ዘሐዝን ዚጠፈሸ ሊባኖሳዊ ክዉንነት ድማ፡ ንኤርትራ ካልእ ሊባኖስ ምግባር፡ ተመሳሳሊ ጕድኣትን ጥፍሽናን እምበር ፋይዳ ከም ዘይህሉዎ ዘረጋግጽ ህያው ኣብነት ኢዩ።

ብዘይካ’ዚ፡ እቲ እማመ “መንግስቲ ኣብ ስደት” ዘይምልሶም ኣዝዮም ኣገደስቲ ፖለቲካዊ ጕዳያት ኣለዉ። (1) ሕቶ ግዝኣተ ሕጊ፡ (2) ሕቶ ውክልና ህዝቢ፡ (3) ሕቶ ግቡእነት ስርዓት፡ (4) ሕቶ ግብራውነት ኣብ ባይታ፡ (5) ሕቶ ውድዓዊ ሳዕቤን ኣብቲ ቅዋማዊ መንግስቲ ንምትካል ዚካየድ ቃልሲ። እዚኣቶም ገለ ካብቶም እቲ እማመ “መንግስቲ ኣብ ስደት”    ዘይምልሶም፡ ኣብ ቅድሚት ተገቲሮም ዚርኣዩ ጕሉሓት ጕዳያት ኢዮም።

እቲ ኣብ ስደት ዚቐውም ‘መንግስቲ’፡ (1) ሓቛፊ ውክልና ህዝቢ ኣብ ውሽጢ ኰነ ኣብ ዳያስፖራ ዘይህሉዎ፣ (2) ግቡእ ወይ ሕጋዊ ኣቀዋውማ ዚጐድሎ፣ (3) ግብራዊ ተፈጻምነት ዘይብሉ ይኸውን። ብተወሳኺ፡ ኣብ ክንዲ ከም መመላእታ ናይቲ ዘቤታዊ ደሞክራስያዊ ጻዕሪ መጠን፡ ርእሰ-ምምሕዳራዊ ለውጢ ኣብ ምድራኽ ዘበርክት፣ ንነብሱ፡ ከም መተካእታ ወይ መወዳድርቲ ናይቲ ውሽጣዊ ደሞክራስያዊ ሓይሊ ብምቕራብ፣ ነቲ ብኤርትራዊ ዋንነትን ዓቕምን ምእንቲ ግዝኣተ ሕግን ርጉእ ደሞክራስያዊ ስግግርን ዚካየድ ሃገራዊ ቃልሲ ዚዕንቅፍ ውድዓዊ ስንብራት ከም ዘስዕብ ኣብነት ናይ በዓል ሊብያ እኹል መርኣያ ኢዩ።

ሕጂ ናብቲ ኣብዚ ሎሚ ዘተኣኻኸበና ቀንዲ ጕዳይ ክምለስ።

ሲምፖዝዩም ኤርትራ 2021 ኣብ ሓሙሽተ ቴማዊ ፓነላት ከተኵር ኢዩ፦

ፓነል 1፡ ገምጋም እዋናዊ ኵነታት ኤርትራን ዞባን፤ ክፋል 1፡ ብዛዕባ እዋናዊ ኵነታት ኤርትራን ዞባናን፣ ክፋል 2፡ ብዛዕባ እቲ ዚምዕብል ዘሎ ጀኦፖለቲካዊ ኵነታት፣ ዚዝቲ።

ፓነል 2፡ ቃልሲ ምእንቲ ፍትሕን ደሞክራስን ኣብ ዘመነ ሓሶትን ዘይሓቅነትን፤ ክፋል 1፡ ብዛዕባ ሓበሬታ ብመንጽር ፕሮፓጋንዳ፦ ምምማይ ክዉንን ፈጠራን፣ ክፋል 2፡ ብዛዕባ ሓድሽ ሚድያ፡ ኣሃዛዊ (ዲጂታል) ዳያስፖራን ፖለቲካዊ ተነጣጣፍነትን፣ ዚዝቲ።

ፓነል 3፡  ምሕያል ተግባራዊ ዓቕሚ ህዝቢ ኣብ ደሞክራስያዊ ለውጢ፤ ክፋል 1፡ ብዛዕባ ውሽጣዊ ደረኽቲ ደሞክራስያዊ ለውጢ፣ ክፋል 2፡ ብዛዕባ ግዳማዊ ኣቀላጠፍቲ ደሞክራስያዊ ለውጢ፣ ዚዝቲ።

ፓነል 4፡ እዋናዊ ብድሆታት ኤርትራዊ ተቓውሞ ኣብ ዳያስፖራ፤ ክፋል 1፡ ብዛዕባ ተወዳደርቲ ኣረኣእያታት ሃገራዊ ረብሓ ኤርትራ፣ ክፋል 2፡ ብዛዕባ ልዑላውነት ከም ሃገርን ከም ህዝብን፣ ዚዝቲ።

ፓነል 5፡ ደሞክራስያዊ ለውጢ ዘቃላጥፍ ጥርናፈ፤ ክፋል 1፡ ብዛዕባ ደሞክራስያዊ ለውጢ ዘቃላጥፍ ጥርናፈ፣ ክፋል 2፡ ብዛዕባ ምህናጽ ሃገራዊ ማዕከን ዜና ወይ ሚድያ፣ ዚዝቲ።

ነፍሲ ወከፍ ፓነል፡ ብሓደ ኣላዛብን ክልተ መደርትን ዚተወደበ ኢዩ። ደድሕሪኡ ናጻ ክፉት ዘተ ይቕጽል።

ምስዚ ዅሉ ኣሉታዊ ሳዕቤናቱ፡ እዚ ህሉው ኵነታት ዞባናን ሃገርናን፡ ነቲ ኤርትራዊ ሃገራዊ ሓይሊ ብሓደ ወገን ብድሆታት በቲ ካልእ ድማ ዕድላት ፈጢሩሉ ከም ዘሎ ምስትብሃል ኣገዳሲ ኢዩ።

እዚ ኣብዚ ቅልውላዋዊ ህሞት’ዚ፡ ኣብ ትሕቲ ምሕያል ተግባራዊ ዓቕሚ ህዝቢ ኣብ ለውጥን ደምክራስያዊ ስግግርን ዚብል ኣርእስቲ ዚሰላሰል ዘሎ ኣገዳሲ ሲምፖዝዩም’ዚ፣ መድረኽ ናጻ ክፉት ዘተ ብምውዳድ፡ (1) ብዛዕባ ሃለዋት ሃገርናን ህዝብናን ሓባራዊ መረዳእታና ዘዐቢ፣ (2) ብዛዕባ’ታ ናይ ጽባሕ ኤርትራ ሓባራዊ ራእይ ዚዅስኵስ፣ (3) ኣብታ ፍትውቲ ሃገርና ለውጢ ንምቅልጣፍን ርጉእ ደሞክራስያዊ ስግግር ንምድራኽን፡ ብፍላይ ኣብ ፖለቲካውን ዜናውን ዕዮ፡ ብኣድማዕነት ንምቅላስ ናብ ዘኽእል ጥርኑፍ ኣሰራርሓ ብዘምርሕ ውጽኢት ኪዛዘም ተስፋ እገብር።

ጽን ኢልኩም ስለዝሰምዕኩምኒ አመስግን።

ዘልኣለማዊ ሓበን ንጀጋኑ ሰማእታትና!

ዕድመ ንናጻ ልዑላዊት ሃገረ ኤርትራ!

ፈጣሪ ንኤርትራን ህዝባን ይባርኽ!

Brussels Belgium

28 August 2021

Eritrea Symposium 2021

Keynote Address

Strengthening the People’s Agency in Democratic Change

Amb. Andebrhan Welde Giorgis

 

Dear Participants of Eritrea Symposium 2021,

I extend you a very warm welcome.

Thank you for hailing from different corners of the world, setting aside your personal, family, and professional affairs, to participate in this Symposium at a time when the COVID-19 pandemic has spread all over the world and afflicted all nations and peoples without distinction, consuming over 4.5 million human beings worldwide.

This Eritrea Symposium 2021, organised as a continuation of the previous three successive Symposiums facilitated by Eri-Platform, focuses on five principal themes that are of crucial significance to Eritrea and the Eritrean Diaspora at this critical juncture. This Symposium is designed to (1) help us identify and rise to the challenges of the moment; (2) capitalise on the opportunities that the current crisis avails; (3) explore an effective approach that can deliver a new coalescence; and (4) formulate and pursue a winning strategy to bring about change and democratic transition in our beloved home country.

At a time when our immediate neighbourhood is mired in a ferocious multifaceted internecine conflict with its adverse effects on the ever-deepening crisis in our own country, our discussion aims to (1) cultivate a common understanding with regards to the prevailing situation and the fundamental interest of our country and people; (2) develop a shared vision that heralds a better political future for our country; and (3) explore our potential contribution to accelerating autonomous change and crystallising democratic transition in Eritrea.

With these brief introductory remarks, let me move on to the main issue we are gathered here to discuss today.

Otto von Bismarck, the prominent Prussian statesman and architect of the unification of Germany, once stated that “politics is the art of the possible, the attainable – the art of the next best”. The exercise of realpolitik in the affairs of state has since become an adage. In the context of our specific Eritrean situation, it is plausible to complement this adage by adding that politics is the pursuit of pragmatic action to transform what is into what should be. That is, pragmatic action designed to push existing realities on the ground towards achieving desirable objectives through constant effort to strike balance between aspirations, possibilities, and resources.

Despite the apparent need for coalescence based on a balance of our collective aspirations, possibilities, and resources, however, Eritrean diaspora opposition politics, afflicted by a vicious cycle of discord, recriminations, and polarisation, has degenerated into the art of the impossible. Many in the ‘opposition’ have lost their compass. They have turned quislings, obsessed with, and bickering over the affairs of others at the expense of those of their own country and people. Indeed, certain political groups and media outlets have exceeded the bounds of decency and responsible citizenship as Eritreans, descending into the abyss of opportunistic mercenaryism, outright treachery, and overzealous servitude. 

Under the guise of opposition to the authoritarian regime, they have openly aligned themselves with, and continue to actively support and overtly lobby for, hostile foreign forces that have:

1. Long held expansionist ambitions over Eritrean territory.
2. A proven track record of aggression against and violation of the territorial integrity of the State of Eritrea.
3. Committed heinous atrocities against the people of Eritrea, including deportations and confiscation of property.
4. Constantly operated to undermine and malign Eritrean national identity, Eritrean unity, Eritrean communal harmony, Eritrean cultural values, etc.

Worse still, they continue to do so without shame or remorse.

It is quite strange to see them stooping to the extent of denying, condoning, or even justifying the horrific atrocities committed against Eritrean refugees in Tigray by the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF). In aligning themselves with hostile foreign forces, they have crossed the redline, exposed their utter moral bankruptcy and, consequently, further divided and polarised the Diaspora opposition.

At present, our proximate neighbourhood is mired in a deep crisis of war, strife, instability, and polarisation. The peoples of Ethiopia are suffering from a devastating civil war and its collateral damage. It is quite clear to all of us that the spill over effect of the war and strife has exerted a powerful negative impact on our people and country, including the Diaspora opposition. To help shed light on one of the principal causes of this negative impact, I would like to cite what former British Prime Minister, Winston Churchill, once said:

"I took a taxi one day to the BBC offices for an interview. When I arrived, I asked the driver to wait for me for forty minutes until I got back, but the driver apologized and said, "I can't, because I have to go home to listen to Winston Churchill's speech".

“I was amazed and delighted with the man's desire to listen to my speech! So I took out 20 pounds and gave it to the taxi driver without telling him who I was. When the driver collected the money, he said: ‘I'll wait for hours until you come back sir! And let Churchill go to hell’”.

The lesson is crystal clear. It shows how principles are exchanged for money; nations are sold for money; honour is sold for money; families are split for money; friends are separated for money; people are killed for money; and people are made servants and slaves for money; people betray their country and become mercenaries serving the enemy for money.

Notwithstanding all such betrayal and treachery, change is a constant in the evolution of human society. Time settles all issues that arise from time to time in due course. In the final analysis, history spares no traitors or mercenaries in its judgment. When the time comes, and all this shall certainly come to pass, there will be transitional justice to redress all the wrongs done, provide closure for the victims and ensure accountability and atonement to pave the way for national reconciliation and social harmony.   

Having suffered so much for so long under the repression of a brutal autocrat, Eritrea today finds itself at a critical juncture. The end of the malevolent regime and its dysfunctional governance system is within sight and democratic transition is possible. If we get our act together, I believe that our collective engagement and action can help strengthen the agency of our people at home and abroad. We can also help catalyse autonomous change and contribute to a stable transition to a constitutional government and democratic governance.

So, let us get our act together, fully convinced that change in Eritrea is an internal Eritrean affair and that the destiny of Eritrea lies in the hands of the Eritrean people, especially the new generation of Eritreans, and nobody else. It is imperative, at this critical juncture, that Eritrean pro-democracy activists in the Diaspora play preferably a conciliatory role or otherwise adapt a balanced non-aligned stance vis-a-vis the internal conflict in Ethiopia. We must focus primarily on the effort to replace the dictatorial regime by a constitutional government based on the rule of law, democratic principles, and respect for human rights.

Today, we are gathered here in this Eritrea Symposium 2021, convened under the theme of Strengthening the People’s Agency in Democratic Change, in pursuit of this objective. The central question of the moment is whether we are prepared to rise to the challenge and discharge our responsibility. Each of us must ask and answer the question: Am I ready to work together with like-minded compatriots to carry the burden and accomplish the task?

Before delving into our regular programme in detail, it seems to me important to make a few remarks on a subject that has come up recently and sowed further discord in the politics of the Eritrean Diaspora. This is the proposal to establish a “government in exile”. To start with, the proposal is not new. Externally initiated about ten years ago in a design to bring about regime change in Eritrea with the support of foreign forces, it has practically languished in total failure.

However, its failure to date has been an asset rather than a liability for Eritrea and its people. This is because we have seen the objective consequences of all externally imposed change: the wretched condition afflicting the peoples of Somalia, Syria, Libya, or Afghanistan is a sufficient testimony to this reality. Thus, like the “leader” anointed by foreign forces who immersed Iraq and its people in the quagmire of an unending crisis, an Eritrean Ahmed Chalabi can only bring harm and no good to our people and country.

The proposal of a “government in exile” is, in the first place, founded on the erroneous and divisive sectarian premise that describes Eritrean society, whose reality is characterised by multinational unity and communal harmony, as composed of “two schools of thought, two cultures and two languages”. The application of such sectarian politics in Lebanon has harmed rather than benefitted the people of Lebanon who have been afflicted by constant civil war, internecine killings, and turbulence. The sad and bankrupt Lebanese reality is thus a living testimony that turning Eritrea into another Lebanon would cause similar harm and bankruptcy and bring no benefit to Eritrea and its people.

Furthermore, there are very important political issues that the proposal of a “government in exile” does not address. (1) the question of rule of law, (2) the question of the people’s representation, (3) the question of regime legitimacy, (4) the question of practicality, and (5) the question of its impact on the effort to establish a constitutional government. These are among the glaring issues that the proposal of a “government in exile” does not address.

The “government” to be established in exile would lack (1) inclusive popular representation at home or in the Diaspora; (2) legitimate composition; and (3) practical applicability on the ground. In addition, instead of contributing to the crystallisation of autonomous change as a complement to the domestic democratic effort, the example of Libya and the like is sufficient testimony that presenting itself as a substitute or a rival of the domestic democratic force would have a detrimental effect on the national struggle for the rule of law and stable democratic transition through Eritrean ownership and agency. 

Now, let me return to the details of the task at hand, that is, the main reason for which we are gathered here.

The Eritrea Symposium 2021 will focus on five thematic panels, namely:

(1) Assessing the Current Situation in Eritrea and the Region. Session 1: The Current Situation in Eritrea and the Region; and Session 2: The Emerging Geopolitical Reality.

(2) Struggling for Justice and Democracy in the Age of Falsehood and Unreality. Session 1: Information vs. Propaganda: Sifting Fact and Fiction; and Session 2: New Media, Digital Diaspora, and Political Activism.

(3)  Strengthening the People’s Agency in Democratic Change. Session 1: Internal Drivers of Democratic Change; and Session 2: External Catalysts of Democratic Change.

(4) Current Challenges Facing the Eritrean Diaspora Opposition. Session 1: Contending Views of Eritrea’s National Interest; and Session 2: Sovereignty as a State and as a People.

(5) Coalescing to Catalyse Democratic Change. Session 1: Coalescing to Catalyse Democratic Change; and Session 2: Building a National Media Outlet.

Each panel comprises a moderator and two panellists to address each theme, followed by open discussion.

It is important to realise that the present situation in our country and region, with all its negative repercussions, has created opportunities, on the one hand, and challenges, on the other.

I hope that this Symposium, convened at this moment of crisis, under the theme of Strengthening the People’s Agency in Democratic Change will avail us a free and open dialogue that (1) deepens a common understanding of the prevailing situation in our country and region; (2) cultivates a shared vision of the Eritrea of the future; and (3) concludes with an outcome that strengthens coalescence for more effective and coherent political and media work to accelerate change and crystallise democratic transition in our beloved country.

Thank you for your kind attention.

Eternal Glory to Our Martyrs!

Long Live an Independent Sovereign State of Eritrea!

God Bless Eritrea and its People!