ዋዕላ ኤርትራ 2024
መልቦርን፡ ኣውትራልያ
28 ጥሪ 2024

ተራ ኤርትራዊ ዳያስፖራ ኣብ ህንጸት ሃገር

 

ዝኸበርክንን ዝኸበርኩምን ተሳተፍቲ ዋዕላ ኤርትራ 2024፡

ምዉቕ ሰላምታይ አቐድም። ድሕሪ ሸውዓተ ( 7) ዓመታት፡ ኣብዚ ብዛዕባ ተራ ኤርትራዊ ዳያስፖራ ኣብ ምህናጽ ሃገር ዚካየድ እዋናዊ ዋዕላ’ዚ ምስ ብዙሓት ካባኹም ክራኸብ ምኽኣለይ፣ ምስዚ ምእንቲ’ዚ ዋዕላ’ዚ ካብ ኣመሪካ ዚመጸ፡ ክቡር ሓው ዶር. ሳላሕ ኑር፡ ብሓባር ከነቕርብ ምኽኣልና፡ ኣዝዩ ደስ እብለኒ። በዚ ኣጋጣሚ’ዚ፡ ነቶም ነዚ ዋዕላ’ዚ ዚወደቡ ክቡራት ኣሕዋት መሓመድ ኢማም፡ ሃይለየሱስ ገብራይን ዓምር ሳልሕ ሓጎስን አመስግን። 

ኣስዒበ፡ (1) ንኤሪ-ፕላትፎርም፡ (2) ልዑላውነት ህዝቢ ኤርትራ፡ (3) ቀጽሪ ልዑላውነት ኤርትራ አላሊ። ኤሪ-ፕላትፎርም ኣብ ኤርትራ ግዝኣተ ሕጊ፡ ሰብኣዊ መሰላትን ደሞክራስያዊ ምሕደራን ንምስፋን ዚጣበቕ፣ መድረኽ ሃናጺ ሃገራዊ ዝርርብ ዘዋድድ፣ ሓቛፊ ልዝብ ዘሳልጥ ኣህጕራዊ በርጌሳዊ ማሕበር ኢዩ። ልዑላውነት ህዝቢ ኤርትራ፡ መሰረታዊ መሰላት፡ መሰረታዊ ሓርነታትን ራህዋን ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዘውሕስ ግሉጽን ተሓታትን ቅዋማዊ ምሕደራ ንምምስራት ዚጣበቕ ኤርትራዊ በርጌሳዊ ማሕበር ኢዩ። ቀጽሪ ልዑላውነት ኤርትራ ድማ፡ ርጉእ ስግግር ናብ ቅዋማዊ ምሕደራ ንምድራኽ፡ ድሕነትን ልዑላውነትን ህዝቢ ኤርትራን ሃገረ ኤርትራን ንምውሓስን ዚጽዕር ሰፊሕ ጥርናፈ ናይ ዚተፈላለዩ ተነጣጠፍቲ ኤርትራውያን ጕጅለታትን ውልቀሰባትን ኢዩ። 

ኣቐዲመ፡ እዚ መደረ’ዚ ኣብ ዚተሓደሰን ዚተጸምቈን ቍንጫል ናይ ምዕራፍ 13፡ ጽምዶ ኤርትራዊ ዳያስፖራ፡ ናይታ ኤርትራ ኣብ ቃራና መንገዲ፦ ታሪኽ ዓወት፡ ጥልመትን ተስፋን ዘርእስታ መጽሓፈይ (2014፦ 422-446) ዚተመስተ ዚተመስረተ ምዃኑ ክሕብር እፈቱ። 

ነዚ ናይ ሎሚ መዓልቲ ኣርእስትና፡ ብሓንቲ ዕዝዝቲ፡ ነዚ ህሉው ኵነታትና እትበቅዕ ምኽሪ ናይ ቡከር ቲ. ዋሺንግተን ዚተባህለ ዓቢ ኣፍሮ-ኣመሪካዊ መምህር፡ ደራስን መዳርን ጥቕሲ እጅምር።  

ኣብ ኵሉ ውጹእ ማሕበራዊ ጕዳያት ከም ኣጻብዕቲ ዚተፈላለና ክንከውን ንኽእል፣ ኣብ ኵሉ ንሓባራዊ ግስጋሰ ዘገድስ ጕዳያት ግን ሓደ ከምታ ኢድ ክንከውን ይግባእ። 

ኤርትራ ናይ ሓባር ሃገር ናይ ኵሉ ኤርትራዊ ኢያ። ንዅላትና ማዕረ ትብጻሕ። ባህግና፡ ንዅሉ ዜጋ ማዕረ መሰል፡ ማዕረ ሓርነት፡ ማዕረ ዕድል እተረጋግጽ፣ ኤርትራ ኪትህሉወና ኢዩ። ነዛ እንብህጋ ኤርትራ ንምምጻእ እንታይ ምግባር የድሊ፧ ብርእይቶይ፡ ንዅሉ ነገራት ኣብ ግምት ብምእታው፡ ፕሮ-ደሞክራሲ ኤርትራውያን፡ (1) ልዑላውነትን ግዝኣታዊ ምሉእነትን ሃገረ ኤርትራ ንምውሓስ፡ (2) ልዑላውነት ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ንምርግጋጽ፡ ጻዕርታትና ከነወሃህድን ከም ሓንቲ ኢድ ኰይንና ክንሰርሕን የድሊ።  

ቀጺለ፡ ኣብ 4 ንኡሳን ኣርእስቲ፡ ከም መበገሲ ናይ ዝርርብና ዘገልግል ሕጽር ዚበለ መግለጺ አቕርብ። 

(1) ኣመዓባብላ ኤርትራዊ ዳያስፖራ፡ (2) ዳያስፖራ ከም ዓለምለኻዊ ወይ ግሎባዊ ተዋሳኢ፡ (3) ኤርትራዊ ዳያስፖራ ከም ሃገራዊ ተዋሳኢ፡ (4) ኤርትራዊ ዳያስፖራ ኣብ ምድራኽ ቅዋማዊ ምሕደራን ህንጸት ሃገርን። 

1. ኣመዓባብላ ኤርትራዊ ዳያስፖራ 

ኣብ 1960ታትን 1970ታትን፡ ውሑዳት ኤርትራውያን ተመሃሮን ሰራሕተኛታትን ኣብ ማእከላይ ምብራቕ፡ ኤውሮጳን ሰሜን ኣሜሪካን፡ ከም ዚነበሩ ይፍለጥ። ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ተገዲዱ ብብዝሒ ዚተሰደደ ግን ብሓሙሽተ (5) ማዕበላት ኢዩ፦

1ይ ማዕበል ስደት ኣብ 1967 ናብ ሱዳን ብጠንቅ’ቲ መግዛእታዊ ሰራዊት ኢትዮጵያ፡ “ዓሳ ንምቕታል ባሕሪ ምንጻፍ” ብዚብል ሜላ፡ ሰውራ ኤርትራ ንምጭፍላቕ፡ ኣብ ምዕራባዊ ኤርትራ ዘካየዶ ወፍሪ ምንዳድ ዓድታትን ጃምላዊ መቕተልቲ ህዝብን። 

2ይ ማዕበል ስደት ኣብ 1970ታት ናብ ማእከላይ ምብራቕ፡ ኤውሮጳ፡ ሰሜን ኣሜሪካን ኣውስትራልያን ብጠንቅ’ቲ ምስ ምዕራግ ኲናትን ስትራተጅያዊ ምዝላቕን፡ ጸላኢ ዚፈጸሞ ኣረሜናዊ ግፍዕታት - መቕተልትን ማእሰርትን፡ ካብ ገጠራትን ከተማታትን። 

3ይ ማዕበል ስደት ኣብ 1981 ምስ ምዝዛም ኲናት ሓድሕድ ኤርትራ ስደት ብዙሓት ተጋደልቲ ሰሓኤ። 

4ይ ማዕበል ስደት ኣብ ኲናት ወራር ወያነ 1998-2000 ተወሰኽቲ ስደተኛታትን ዳግማይ ስደተኛታትን። 

5ይ ማዕበል ስደት ካብ 2001 ኣትሒዙ ዚቕጽል ዘሎ፡ ብሰሪ’ቲ ኣብ ኤርትራ ዚሰፈነ ብርቱዕ ፖለቲካውን ቊጠባውን ጭቈና፡ ደረት-ኣልቦ ሃገራዊ ኣገልግሎት፡ ሽቕለተልቦነት፡ ምንቍላቋል ደረጃ ትምህርቲ፡...።

እዚ እናወሰኸ ዚኸይድ ዋሕዚ ስደት ንዓቐን ናይቲ ኣብ ወጻኢ ዝርከብ ኤርትራዊ ዳያስፖራ መመሊሱ ኣግዚፉዎ። ስለዚ ድማ፡ ብተዛማዲ ዓቢዪ፡ ኣስታት ርብዒ ብዝሒ ህዝቢና ዝግመት ኤርትራዊ ዳያስፖራ፡ ዳርጋ ኣብ መላእ ዓለም ፋሕ ኢሉ ይርከብ። ሃገሩ ዚፈቱን ምስ ህዝቡ ዚተኣሳሰረን ስለ ዚዀነ ድማ፡ ንኤርትራ ዓቢዪ ዕቚር ጸጋ ኢዩ። 

እቶም ኣብ ሃገራት ኣፍሪቃ፡ ማእከላይ ምብራቕ፡ ኤውሮጳን ሰሜን ኣሜሪካን ዝነበሩ ኤርትራውያን ተመሃሮ፡ ሰብ ስራሕን ስደተኛታትን ነቲ ኣብ ውሽጢ ኤርትራ ዝካየድ ዝነበረ ሓርነታዊ ቃልሲ ንምድጋፍ ናይ ተመሃሮ፡ ሸቃሎን ደቀንስትዮን ማሕበራት ወዲቦም ይንቀሳቐሱ ነይሮም። እተን ኣብ ወጻኢ ዚተመስረታ ማሕበራት ጸግዒ ሓዲአን ውድባት ዝሓዛ ማለት፡ ሓደው ምስ ተጋድሎ ሓርነት ኤርትራ ሓደው ከኣ ምስ ህዝባዊ ግንባር ሓርነት ኤርትራ ዝደናገጻ ኢየን ነይረን። 

እቲ ኣብ ወጻኢ ዚነበረ ኤርትራዊ ኣብ እዋን ብረታዊ ቃልሲ፡ ኣብ ክልቲአን ግንባራት ብምስላፍ ኰነ ብምድጋፍ፡ ዓቢ ኣበርክቶ ገይሩ። ድሕሪ ናጽነት፡ ብዙሓት ኣብ ቊጠባዊ ዋዕላ፡ ሲምፖዝዩም  ዩኒቨርሲቲ ኣስመራ፡ ኮሚሽን ረፈረንደም፡ ኮሚሽን ቅዋም፡ ሃገራዊ ዳግመ-ህንጸት ተሳቲፎም። 

2. ዳያስፖራ ከም ዓለምለኻዊ ተዋሳኢ 

እዚ ዘለናዮ ዘመነ ዓውለማ (ግሎባውነት)፡ ዳያስፖራ ከም ዓለምለኻዊ ተርእዮ ዚተቐልቀለሉ እዋን ኢዩ። ግሎባዊ ዳያስፖራ፡ ኣብ መላእ ሃገራትን ክፍለዓለማትን ከም ውጽኢት ዝተናውሐ ሰብኣዊ ፍልሰት፡ ከም ምንጪ ዓቢ ዋሕዚ ፋይናንስ፡ ከም ማዕከን ቅልጡፍ ምስግጋር ፍልጠት፡ ሞያን ቴክኒካዊ ክእለትን፡ ኣብ ዓለማዊ መድረኽ ተጸንቢሩ ኣሎ። 

ምቕልቃል ናይ ፍልጠት ቍጠባ፡ ንዕቤት ግሎባዊ ዳያስፖራ፡ ስግረ-ሃገራዊ ምንቅስቓሳቱን ኣበርክቶኡ ኣብ ፖለቲካዊ፡ ቊጠባውን ማሕበራውን ልምዓት ኰነ ኣብ መስርሕ ሕብረ-ባህላዊ ምትእስሳርን ልውውጥን ኣብ መላእ ዓለም ንዘለዎ ኣወንታዊ ተራ ኣቀላጢፍዎን ኣሐይልዎን ኢዩ። ዳያስፖራ፡ ኣብተን ብኢንዱስትሪ ዝማዕበላ ሃገራት ግሎባዊ ሰሜን ይኹን ኣብተን ጌና ኣብ ምምዕባል ዝርከባ ሃገራት ግሎባዊ ደቡብ፡ ኣብ ፖለቲካዊ፡ ቊጠባውን ባህላውን ምዕባለ ኣዕቈብቲ ሃገራት ኰነ መበቈል ሃገራት ዓቢ ተራ ዚጻወት ኣገዳሲ ረቛሒ ካብ ዝኸውን ውሑድ እዋን ኣይገበረን። 

ኣብ ሓያሎ ምዕቡላትን ኣብ ምምዕባል ዝርከባን ሃገራት ዚነብሩ ሰብ ዳያስፖራ፡ ኣብ ፖለቲካዊ፡ ቊጠባዊ፡ ማሕበራውን ባህላውን ዕቤት ሃገሮም ዕዙዝ ኣበርክቶ ናይ ምግባር ብግብሪ ዚተመስከረ ዓቕሚ ይውንኑ። 

ንኣብነት፡ ኣብ ምውዳድ ፖሊሲን ምሕላፍ ውሳነን ደሞክራስያዊ ተሳትፎ ብምግባር ፖለቲካዊ ዕቤት የሰጉሙ። ፍልጠት፡ ሞያን ክእለት ብምስግጋር ኣብ ምዕባይ ሰብኣዊ ርእሰማል ይሳተፉ። ፋይናንስያዊ ርእሰማሎም ብምውሓዝ፡ ወፍርታት ብምክያድ፡ ሓዋላታት ብምልኣኽ፡ ትካል ዋኒን ብምኽፋት፡ ኣብ ቊጠባዊ ምዕባለ ኣበርክቶ ይገብሩ። ኣብ ኣገልግሎታት ትምህርትን ጥዕናን ኰነ ኣብ ሰኪዐታት ማሕበራዊ ድሕነት ብምስታፍ ማሕበራዊ ዕብየትን ድሕነትን ንምድንፋዕ ይሕግዙ። ብተወሳኺ፡ ሰብ ዳያስፖራ፡ ኣብ መንጐ ሃገሮምን ኣዕቈብቶም ሃገራትን ኣህጒራዊ ዝምድናታት፡ ልምዓታዊ ምትሕግጋዝን ባህላዊ ዲፕሎማሲን ንምሕያል፡ ኣገዳሲ ተራ ክጻወቱ ዘኽእሎም ዓቕሚ ኣለዎም። 

እምበኣርከስ፡ ዘመነ ዓውለማ (ግሎባሊዝም) ዳያስፖራ ከም ግሎባዊ ተርእዮ ኣኸቲሉ። ግሎባዊ ዳያስፖራ ኣብ መላእ ዓለም ውጽኢት ቀጻሊ ሰብኣዊ ፍልሰት ኢዩ። ምንጪ ዓቢ ዋሕዚ ፋይናንስ፣ ማዕከን ቅልጡፍ ምስግጋር ፍልጠት፡ ሞያን ተክኒካዊ ክእለትን ኰይኑ ኣሎ። ኣብ ፖለቲካዊ፡ ቊጠባዊ፡ ማሕበራውን ባህላውን ዕቤት ሃገር ከበርክት፣ ፍልጠት፡ ሞያዊ ክእለት ከሰጋግር ይኽእል። 

ብመሰረት ጸብጻብ ዓለማዊ ባንክ፡ ኣስታት 3% ህዝቢ ዓለም ወጻኢ ካብ መበቈል ሃገሩ ይነብር። ዓለማዊ ሓዋላ ኣብ 2023፡ $669 ቢልዮን ነይሩ። እቲ ናብተን ዚምዕብላ ሃገራት ዚኣቱ ሓዋላ ክንዲ ሰለስተ ዕጽፊ ናይቲ ብልምዓታዊ ረድኤት ዚረኽብኦ ይኸውን። 

3. ኤርትራዊ ዳያስፖራ ከም ሃገራዊ ተዋሳኢ 

ኤርትራዊ ዳያስፖራ ዓቢ ሞያውን ፋይናንሳዊ ጸጋታትን ኣለዎ። ብዙሓት ኣብቲ ኣብ ሓምለ 1991 ዚተኻየደ ቊጠባዊ ዋዕላ ተሳቲፎም። እቲ ዋዕላ ኤርትራውያን ኣብ ውሽጥን ኣብ ወጻእን ዘሳተፈ፡ ልዝብ ኣብ ምውዳድ ቊጠባዊ ፖሊሲን ልምዓታዊ ስትራተጂን፡ ኣበሰረ። ለበዋታቱ ነቲ ማክሮቊጠባዊ ሜላ ጸልዩ። ስዒቡ፡ ኣብ ኣህጒራዊ ሲምፖዝየም ኣስመራ  ዩኒቨርሲቲ (ነሓሰ 1992)፣ ኣብ ምውዳብ ረፈረንደምን ምድላው ቅዋምን ብዙሓት ተሳቲፎም። ሓያሎ ከም ኣባላት ማሽ/ህግሓኤ/ህግደፍ፡ ገራዊ ባይቶ፣ ሚኒስተራት፡ ኣምባሳደራት፡ ዳይሬክተራት ጀነራል፡ ኣማኸርቲ ኰይኖም ከገልግሉ ጀሚሮም። 

ኤርትራዊ ዳያስፖራ፡ ነቲ ኣብ ብረታዊ ቃልሲ ዝነበሮ ዕዙዝ ተሳትፎ፡ ኣብ ፖለቲካዊ፡ ቊጠባውን ማሕበራውን ልምዓት ሃገር ኪቕጽሎ ድሉው ነይሩ። ምቹእ ባይታ ምስ ዝህሉ፡ ኣብ ምስግጋር ሞያዊ ክእለት፡ ስነኪነት፡ ፍልጠትን ርእሰማልን ኣድማዒ ተሳትፎ ምሃለዎ ነይሩ። ብሕጋዊ ሓዋላ ትሕጃ ወጻኢ ሸርፊ  ከዐቢ፣ ስድራቤታት ኪጥውር፣ ድኽነት ኪንኪ ምኸኣለ። 

ብዙሓት ናብ ሃገሮም ዚተመልሱ መሃንድሳት፡ ፕሮፌሰራት፡ መካኒካት፡ ነጋዶ፡ ኣብ ዝተፈላለየ ጽፍሕታት መንግስታውን ብሕታውን ጽላታት ከገልግሉ፣ ኣብ ህንጸትን ልምዓትን ሃገር ከበርክቱ ተበጊሶም። ምስ ምስፋን ምልኪ ግን፡ ኵሉ ተዀሊፉ፡ ኵሉ ተዘሪጉ።

ሓዋላ ኤርትራዊ ዳያስፖራ ኣስታት “40% GDP” የቕውም። ትሕጃ ወጻኢ ሸርፊ፣ ዕንጋለ ስድራቤታት፣ ድኽነት ህዝቢ የፋዅስ። ኪኖ ሓዋላ፡ ዳያስፖራ ምንጪ ፖለቲካዊ ደገፍ፡ ሞያዊ ዓቕሚ፡ ዋሕዚ ግዳማዊ ወፍርን ፋይናንስን ኢዩ። ምኽፋት ፖለቲካውን ቍጠባውን ባይታን ምውዳድ ሕጋዊ መቓንን፡ ዘቤታዊ፡ ዳያስፖራዊ፡ ቀጥታዊ ግዳማዊ ወፍሪ ከተባብዕ ኢዩ። ኤርትራውያን ኣብ ዓዶም ከውፍሩ፡ ኪሰርሑ፡ ዘይነባሪ ሕሳባት ግዳማዊ ባጤራ ኪኸፍቱ፡ ኣብ ሃገራዊ ልምዓት ከበርክቱ ይኽእሉ። 

4. ኤርትራዊ ዳያስፖራ ኣብ ምድራኽ ቅዋማዊ ምሕደራን ምህናጽ ሃገርን

እቲ ድሕሪ ኲናት ወራር ወያነ ዚሰዓበ ኲነታት፡ ኣብ ልዕሊ ፖለቲካ ኤርትራ ኣሉታዊ ሳዕቤን ኣኸቲሉ፣ ምስ ዓቢ ክፋል ኤርትራዊ ዳያስፖራ ዝምድና ኣበላሽዩ። ኣብቲ ፈለማ፡ ዝበዝሐ ኤርትራዊ፡ ብውዕውዕ ሓርበኛዊ ስምዒት ኣብ ጐድኒ ልዑላውነት ሃገር ደው ኢሉ። ፖለቲካዊ፡ ፋይናሳውን ዜናውን ደገፍ ኣወፍዩ። 

እቲ ኲናት ምስ ተዛዘመ ግን፡ እቲ ኣብ ላዕለዋይ መሪሕነት መንግስትን ክንባርን ዝተፈጥረ ምክፍፋልን ግጉይ ኣተሓሕዛኡን፡ ኣብ ብዙሓት ኤርትራውያን ዓቢ ጓሂህን ሻቕሎትን ኣስዒቡ፣ ውዱብ ተቓውሞ ኣበራቢሩ። ዘይሕጋዊ ማእሰርቲ ላዕለዎት ሰበስልጣን ግንባር፡ መንግስትን ሰራዊትን፣ ጋዜጠኛታት፣ ምዕጻው ብሕታዊ ፕረስ፡ ኣብ ውሽጥን ኣብ ወጻእን ከቢድ ነውጺ ፈጢሩ። 

ገሊኡ ጓሂኡ ጸይሩ ስቕታ መሪጹ፣ ገሊኡ ብስቱር ወይ ብዓውታ ተቓዊሙ፣ ገሊኡ ድማ ዕዉር ደገፍ ነቲ ስርዓት ቀጺሉ። እቲ ስርዓት፡በቲ ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝብን ሃገርን ዚፍጽሞ ግፍዕታትን በደልን፡ እናተነጸለ ከይዱ። ኤርትራዊ ኣብ መንጎ ዕዉር ደጋፊ፡ ስቕተኛ ኣብዝሓን ተቓዋምን ተፈላልዩ። እቲ ተቓውሞ ንገዛእ ርእሱ ኣብ ምፍላላይ፡ ምጕጅጃልን ምትፍናንን ተጸሚዱ።

ስለምንታይ፧ ብጠንቂ (1) ውሽጣዊ ድኻማት  (2) ውዱብ ሽርሓዊ ተጻብኦ ህግደፍን ወያነን። እቲ መትከላዊ ሃገራዊ ተቓውሞ፡ በቲ ዕምሪ ስልጣኑ ምንዋሕ ጥራይ ዚዓጦ ስርዓት ኤርትራ ኰነ በቲ ንኤርትራ ኣዳኺሙ ኪጐብጥ ዚሃርፍ ስርዓት ወያነ፡ ከም ቀንዲ ጸላኢ ተራእዩ፣ ብቐጥታን ብሃሱሳትን ተወቒዑ።   

ክንዲ ዚዀነ፡ ነቲ ካብቲ ስርዓት ኰነ ካብ ተጻባእቲ ግዳማዊ ሓይልታት ዚብገስ ፈላላዪ ውዲታት ክንቃወም፡ ሓድነትና ክንሕሉ፡ ለውጢ ብውሽጢ ክንድርኽ ይግባእ። ኣብ ኤርትራ ስርዓት ምቕያር፡ ተሓታትን  ግሉጽን ምሕደራ ምህናጽ ናትና ናይ ኤርትራውያን ዕማም ኢዩ። 

ብዙሕ ብህዝቡን ሃገሩን ዚግደስ፡ ኣብ መንጎ ጨቋኒ ስርዓትን ዘየድምዕ ዚተኸፋፈለ ተቓውሞን ተቐርቂሩ። ካብዚ መንቀራቕሮ’ዚ ተናጊፉ ኣድማዒ ኣበርክቶ ንምግባር፡ ኤርትራዊ ዳያስፖራ ሓድነቱ ከደልድልን ቀዳምነታቱ ኪሰርዕን ይግባእ። ብኣሳታፊ ሃገራዊ ዘተ ፍልልያት ምጽባብ፡ ሓባራዊ ስምምዕ ምህናጽ፡ ሓቛፊ ሃገራዊ ኮማት ምምስራት የድሊ። ከምኡ ምስ እንገብር፡ ነቶም ዘንጸላሉዉ ዓበይቲ ዘቤታውን ግዳማውን ብድሆታት ኣብ ምግጣም፡ ልዑላውነት ሃገርን ድሕነት ህዝብን ኣብ ምውሓስ ከነበርክት ንኽእል። 

ኤርትራዊ ዳያስፖራ ንድሕነት ሃገርን ረብሓ ህዝብን ቀዳምነት ሂቡ፡ ንለውጢ ብኣድማዕነት ኪቃለስ እንተዀይኑ፡ ብቐዳምነት ኣብ ኣተሓሳስባን ቅኒተ-ኣእምሮን መሰረታዊ ለውጢ ከምጽእ ኣለዎ። ኣንጻር’ቲ ምልካዊ ስርዓት ነቐፌታዊ ተቓውሞ ንምግባር ቅድም ቀዳድም ዕቱብ ነብሰ-ገምጋም ምግባርን እሩም ዘተ ምክያድን የድሊ። ናይ ደገፍቲ ወይ ቲፎዞታት ጋንታታት ኵዕሶ እግሪ ዚመስል ዕዉር ደገፍ ወይ ዕሙት ተቓውሞ ኣብ ዘብጽሓና የብሉን። 

ተግባራዊ ዓቕሚ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ፡ ኣብ ውሽጥን ኣብ ወጻእን፡ ንምዕባይ ኣበርቲዕና ክንሰርሕ ይግባእ። ‘ጸላእ ጸላኢየይ፡ ፈታውየይ’ ብዝብል ቄናን ስነ-መጐት መጋበርያ ተጻባእቲ ሓይልታት ኰነ  ዞባዊ ጂኦ-ፖለቲካዊ  ረብሓታት ከይንኸውን ዕቱብ ጥንቃቐ ምግባር የድሊ። 

ካብቲ ስርዓት ኰነ ግዳማዊ ሓይልታት ንዚብገስ ፈላላዪ ውዲታት ክንቃወም፡ ሓድነትና ክንሕልው፡ ለውጢ ካብ ውሽጢ ክንድርኽ ይግባእ። ኣብ ኤርትራ ስርዓት ምቕያር፡ ኣምሳይኡ ተግባራዊ፡ ተሓታቲን ግሉጽን ምሕደራ ምህናጽ ናትና፡ ናይ ኤርትራውያን፡ ዕማም ኢዩ።

ኣብ መደምደምታ፡ ኤርትራዊ ዳያስፖራ ቅዋማዊ ምሕደራ ኣብ ምትካል መታን ከበርክት፡ ብተግባር ኪሰርሕ፣ ብዝያዳ ድማ፡ ኪውደብ የድሊ። ዓሰርተ (10) ኣብ ሓደ ውድብ ተጠርኒፎም ዚተሓባበሩ ኣባላት ልዕሊ ሓሙሽተ ሚእቲ (500) በበይኖም ዚሰርሑ ውልቀሰባት ዚበዝሐ ከፍርዩ ይኽእሉ። ብዛዕባ ዝዀነ ነገር ብሓቂ ንግደስ እንተ ደኣ ኰይንና፡ ክንውደብ ወይ ኣብ ዝምእመኣና ውድብ ክንጽንበር ኣሎና።

ኣብዚ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዘሕልፎ ዘሎ ኣዝዩ ኣጸጋሚን ፈታኒን እዋን’ዚ፡ ካብ ኣደራዕ ምልካዊ ጭቈና ተናጊፉ፣ ሓርነት፡ ፍትሕን ራህዋን ዚሰፈኖ ህይወት መታን ኪሃንጽ፣ ፕሮ-ደሞክራሲ ኤርትራውያን ነቲ ጀብሃ-ሻዕብያ ዚመበገሲኡ ዚጸንሐ ምፍልላይ ሰጊርና፣ ንዅሉ ትሕተ-ሃገራዊ ዝንባለታት ኣወጊድና፣ ከንቱነት ዝተጐጃጀለ ፖለቲካ ብምግንዛብ፣ ኵሉ ዓቕምታትና ነቲ ብከቢድ ዋጋ ዚተረኽበ ልዑላዊ ናጽነትን መሬታዊ ምሉእነትን ሃገርና ንምክልኻልን ቅዋማዊ ምሕደራ ንምትካልን ከነቕንዕ ይግባእ። 

ስለምታይ’ዩ  ምስረታ ቅዋማዊ ምሕደራ መሰረታዊ ረቛሒ ዚኸውን፧ 

ቅዋም ኤርትራ ሕጋዊ ሰረት ሃገረ ኤርትራ ዘቕውም፣ መሰረት ልዑላውነት ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዘንጽፍ፣ ግቡእ ኣቀዋውማ መንግስቲ ኤርትራ ዚውስን፣ ተዛማዲ መዝነታዊ ስልጣን ኣካላት መንግስቲ ኤርትራ ዚድርት፣ መሰረታዊ መሰላትን ናጽነታትን ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዘውሕስ፣ ግቡኣትን ግዴታታትን ኤርትራዊ ዜግነት ዚዝርዝር፣ ስለ ዚዀነ። 

ጽን ኢልኩም ስለ ዝሰማዕኩምኒ አመስግን።

ዕድመ ንናጻ ልዑላዊት ሃገረ ኤርትራ!
ዘልኣለማዊ ሓበን ንጀጋኑ ሰማእታትና!
ፈጣሪ ንኤርትራን ህዝባን ይባርኽ!

Eritrea Conference 2024
Melbourne, Australia
28 January 2024

The Role of the Eritrean Diaspora in Nation Building

 

Dear participants of Eritrea Conference 2024,

Selam, warm greetings. It is a pleasure to see many of you after nearly seven years in this timely conference on The Role of the Eritrean Diaspora in Nation Building here in Melbourne, Australia. I am happy to share this platform with my dear brother Dr. Salah Nur who has come from the US so we can explain and discuss the role of the Eritrean diaspora in nation building and constitutional governance together. In appreciation, I would like to thank the Eritrean-Australian community and especially the organisers, Mohamed Imam, Haileyesus Ghebray and Aamer Saleh Hagos for making this conference possible.  

At the outset, I would like to make a brief introduction of Eri-Platform, Eritrean People’s Sovereignty and Eritrean Sovereignty Bloc. Eri-Platform is an international civil society association that advocates rule of law, human rights, and democracy in Eritrea, enables positive national conversation and facilitates inclusive dialogue. Eritrean People’s Sovereignty is an Eritrean civil society association that advocates the establishment of transparent and accountable constitutional governance that guarantees the basic rights, fundamental freedoms and prosperity of the Eritrean people. Eritrean Sovereignty Bloc is a broad coalition of diverse activist groups and individuals in the Diaspora that endeavours to help crystallise a stable transition to constitutional governance that safeguards the fundamental rights, basic freedoms, human security and sovereignty of the Eritrean people and the State of Eritrea. 

Before proceeding further, I would like to share with you that this presentation is an updated and redacted version of Chapter 13: Engaging the Eritrean Diaspora (422-446) of my book, Eritrea at a Crossroads: A Narrative of Triumph, Betrayal and Hope, 2014. 

Now, let me begin by quoting a valuable and fitting advice from a great Afro-American educator, author and orator, Booker T. Washington. 

In all things that are purely social we can be as separate as the fingers, yet one as the hand in all things essential to mutual progress. 

Eritrea is the shared homeland of the Eritrean people. It belongs eaqually to all of us. We all aspire for a free, democratic and prosperous Eritrea that avails equal rights, equal freedoms and eaqual opportunities to all Eritreans. What is essential to our mutual progress towards realising such an Eritrea? In my view, all things considered, prodemocracy Eritreans need to coordinate our efforts and work as one to sustain the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the State of Eritrea and attain the sovereignty of the people of Eritrea.

With these introductory remarks, I will proceed to present a brief description of (1) the evolution of the Eritrean diaspora; (2) the diaspora as a global actor; (3) the Eritrean diaspora as a national actor, and (4) the Eritrean diaspora as a catalyst in constitutional governance and nation building.

1. The Evolution of the Eritrean Diaspora

The Eritrean diaspora is essentially a product of interstate conflict (Ethiopia’s war of aggression against Eritrea) and domestic repression. Beginning in 1967 and continuing to date, a growing number of Eritreans have left home, in five waves, to flee from the atrocities of Ethiopia’s war and repression and seek a safer and better life as refugees and exiles. 

In concise terms, the first wave of refugees to Sudan occurred in 1967 when the Ethiopian occupation army conducted a scorched earth campaign of burning villages and massacring people in western Eritrea to crash the Eritrean revolution. The second wave of refugees to the Middle East, Europe, North America and Australia occurred in the 1970s when, with the escalation of Ethiopa’s offensives and the intensification of its barbaric atrocities against the people in the cities and the countyside necessitated the strategic retreat. The third wave occurred at the end of the civil war in 1981 when many fighters of the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF) took refuge in the Sudan and eventually migrated mostly to Europe, North America and Australia. The fourth wave occurred during Ethiopia’s war of aggression in 1998-2000 when former returnees and additional new refugees flocked into Sudan. And the fifth wave started in 2001, and has continued ever since,  due to the severe political and economic oppression prevailing in our country. 

It is notewothy that while the first three waves of refugees happened prior to Eritrea’s independence the last two waves occurred after Eritrea’s independence.

There are today large diaspora communities in several countries in Africa, the Middle East, Europe, North America, and Australasia. Among them are many successful professionals, technicians and entrepreneurs. The relative size, wealth, level of education, and linkage to the homeland have, historically, made the Eritrean diaspora a significant player in the political, economic, social and cultural life of the country.     

During the war of independence, Eritrean students and workers in Africa, the Middle East, Europe, and North America organised associations affiliated with the ELF or the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF). They extended vital political, material and financial support to the armed struggle in the Field and provided thousands of recruits - many of them becoming top cadres and senior members of the leaderships of both fronts. Post independence, many returned home and joined the effort for national reconstruction and development as entrepreneurs, professionals, and government advisers.

The 1998-2000 war with Ethiopia and its aftermath caused a new flight of refugees and exiles. The mix of a general state of repression, closure of economic space for the private sector, lack of opportunities for gainful employment, widespread impoverishment, denial of access to meaningful higher education, and imposition of indefinite active national service aggravated the situation. Eritrea’s entrepreneurs, professionals and youth continue to flee the country in droves to take refuge in the region or in transit to the Global North. The exodus continues to swell the size of the Eritrean Diaspora, scattered throughout the Global North, the Middle East and Africa.   

Estimated at a quarter of the Eritrean population, the diaspora constitutes a national reserve asset. In the heat of the euphoria of total military victory, Eritreans from the diaspora flocked to their liberated homeland to visit families; participate in the economic conference; set up businesses; help revitalise and teach at the newly reinstated Asmera University; offer professional advice; join the civil service; and work in various commissions and agencies. Alas, their demonstrated readiness to return home and participate in national reconstruction and development was later squandered by the malpractices of a dysfunctional government.    

2. The Diaspora as a Global Actor 

Advances in transport, communication and information technology have ushered in the age of globalisation and made our world more compact and interdependent. We now live in a gloabal village, where the diaspora has emerged as a global phenomenon. Beyond Eritrea, the global diaspora has come on the world stage as a product of protracted human mobility, as a source of significant financial flows, and as an agency of rapid transfer of knowledge, skills, and technical knowhow across countries and continents. 

The advent of the knowledge economy has accelerated and reinforced the growth of the global diaspora, its transnational mobility, its contribution to world political, economic and social development, and the process of multicultural interaction and exchange. Whether in the developed industrial countries of the Global North or in the emerging and developing nations of the Global South, the diaspora has emerged as a key player in the political, economic, social, and cultural development of both the host and home countries. 

It advances political development through democratic participation in policy formulation and decision-making. It participates in human capital formation through the transfer of knowledge, skills, and expertise. It contributes to economic development through the flow of financial capital, investment, remittances, and enterprise. It helps to promote social development and welfare through engagement in the provision of education and health services and social safety nets. Furthermore, the diaspora has the potential to play a vital role in promoting cordial relations and development cooperation between the host and home countries.    

According to World Bank statistics, about 3 per cent of the world’s population, or over 2.7 billion people, live outside their countries of birth today. The aggregate value of worldwide remittance flows to Low and Middle Income Countries (LMICs) in 2023 reached more than USD 669 billion. Remittances to developing countries made up three times the total amount of official development assistance to recipient countries. The statistics show that remittances originating in the world’s top five donor countries, namely, the US, the UK, France, Germany, and Japan, exceed the official development assistance of each of these countries.  

The regional concentration and relative proportion of national diaspora populations and the comparative contributions of their remittance flows to GDP varies from country to country. However, they invariably deliver a crucial injection of hard currency to the home countries and help build up their foreign exchange reserves. Overall, remittances from national diasporas, flowing without conditionalities or strings, make a significant contribution to the alleviation of poverty and the enhancement of social wellbeing, particularly in the low-income and middle-income developing countries in the Global South.    

Remittances benefit the economies of developed, emerging, and developing countries. The WB estimates recorded worldwide remittance flows to high-income and low-income countries in 2023 at about USD 860 billion, with Europe, Central Asia, and Sub-Saharan Africa leading the way. Despite the lingering global financial crisis and its negative impact on the employment prospects of migrants, officially recorded remittance flows to the developing world have witnessed steady relative growth during the last decade and are projected to grow for the forseeable future. Worldwide remittance flows are also expected to show similar growth.   

3. The Eritrean Diaspora as a National Actor 

Barely two months after the liberation, in July 1991, many Eritreans from the diaspora participated in the economic conference that gathered policymakers, practitioners, and scholars to discuss options for development strategy for an independent Eritrea. This signified the initiation of a democratic process in the formulation of economic policy and development strategy in the new Eritrea and the active involvement of Eritreans from the diaspora in that process. The proceedings and policy recommendations of the conference informed the formulation of Eritrea’s economic blue print, the 1994 macroeconomic policy framework. 

In August 1992, many scholars participated in an international symposium to revitalise the University of Asmera (UoA), chart its future, restructure its colleges and faculties, revise its syllabus, upgrade the size and quality of its faculty, and modernise its assets. The symposium  aimed to rebuild and transform the UoA into a centre of academic excellence, higher learning, and development oriented research to enable it to contribute to Eritrea's human resources development as the key to the nation’s reconstruction and development. It provided the first democratic forum to debate and chart the structure, policy options, and strategy of tertiary education among policy makers, educators, and academics at home and in the diaspora. 

Further, Eritreans from the diaspora played prominent roles in the organisation of the referendum (1993) and the making of the Constitution of Eritrea (1997). Several long-time activists from the diaspora worked alongside prominent members of the EPLF and former senior leaders of the ELF in the referendum and constitution commissions, lining their executive and functional bodies. The two national processes, which stimulated active participation of Eritreans at home and abroad, represented promising initial forums of democratic exercise. 

In brief, Eritrean engineers, architects, professors, mechanics, entrepreneurs and workers flocked home from the diaspora to serve in the public and private sectors. They returned with business plans, seed capital, and skills to invest in the various sectors of the economy to help reconstruct and develop Free Eritrea. They came home with great enthusiasm and optimism to serve their country and people.

Diaspora remittances constitute about 40 % of Eritrea’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP). These remittances augument the country’s foreign exchange reserves, sustain families and reduce poverty. Beyond the provision of remittances, the diaspora is a source of political support, professional expertise, and flow finance and investment. Opening the political and economic space and putting a legal framework in place would encourage domestic, diasporic, foreign direct, and international institutional investment. Eritreans can invest, work, open non-resident foreign currency accounts and contribute to the development of their country. 

4. The Eritrean Diaspora as a Catalyst of Constitutional Governance and Nation Building

The aftermath of the 1998-2000 war with Ethiopia had a profound negative impact on the Eritrean state whose reverberations began to damage its relations with a significant segment of the Eritrean diaspora as well as with the international community. In the beginning, the overwhelming majority of Eritreans in the diaspora, like their compatriots at home, rallied to the support of the state and the defence of Adebo (Fatherland) or Adeno (Motherland) in a wave of patriotic fervour. They lobbied host governments, civil society organisations, and media outlets for support and raised large sums of money through direct donations and the purchase of government-issued bonds to help finance the war of national defence.  

After the end of the war, however, the open rupture in the top EPLF/PFDJ leadership in 2001 and the antagonisation of the internal discord caused widespread discontent and great dismay among many patriotic Eritreans in the diaspora. The ruinous events of September 2001 set a new dynamic in motion that began to corrode the hitherto symbiotic relationship between the Eritrean state and most of the Eritrean diaspora as a significant source of political, media, and financial support, and ended up bitterly dividing the diaspora itself. The extra-legal and brutal detention of the former senior Front, government and military officials and journalists and the closure of the private press sent shockwaves across the Eritrean polity and public at home and in the diaspora.

The immediate response of most in the diaspora was a mixture of silent lamentation of the Eritrean predicament, discreet or vocal opposition to the detentions and crackdown, or slavish support for the government. Despite a hard core of vocal supporters, the regime’s flagrant violation of due process and continuous transgressions against the people with impunity have corroded its legitimacy and fed alienation. While the vast majority in the diaspora have maintained stunned silence for a variety of reasons, the divisions within the activist minority have deepened and widened during the last decade, fuelling the bitter polarisation and constant fragmentation of its political, civil society, and media organisations. 

It is quite apparent that the regime has alienated, antagonised, and lost the hearts and minds and, therefore, the longstanding and vital political and financial support of a great many veteran patriots and activists in Eritrea’s overseas communities. The rise of a brutal dictatorship presiding over the economic stagnation of the country has thwarted their expectations of a free, democratic, and prosperous Eritrea. A state of general discontent has driven many former active supporters into quiet disengagement or discreet withdrawal. Despite the uneasy silence of the majority, however, a growing number of Eritreans in the diaspora have taken up the struggle for democratic renewal as part of a broader struggle for freedom to reclaim their homeland and recover the opportunity for the Eritrean people to build a free, viable, and prosperous future.     

It has become imperative to democratise the regime and reconstruct the state. United, the diaspora can play a catalytic role in bringing about democratic governance and national renewal in Eritrea. To be able to do so, however, the diaspora needs to get its act together, set its priorities, reset its internal discourse and engage in constructive dialogue. Eri-Platform has, for the last seven years, provided a forum of national conversation aimed to construct an inclusive democratic frame to bridge the divisions, mitigate the polarisation and build a shared vision of a free, democratic and prosperous Eritrea.    

Playing an effective catalytic role in nation building and constitutional governance requires a new paradigm shift in the mindset and disposition of political, civic, human rights advocacy and media activists to give primacy to the interest of the State of Eritrea and the wellbeing of the Eritrean people. Beyond ptoviding slavish support for or dodgy opposition to the regime, we need to build consensus on how to contribute to a mechanism to dismantle the dictatorship and the essential elements of transition to a democratic state. I would like to conclde by reiterating a few important proposals as food for thought:

1. Distinguish between the interests of the State of Eritrea and the Eritrean people, on the one hand, and those of the Eritrean government, on the other. Regimes come and go; the State and the people stay. The regime’s policies and practices have corroded its legitimacy and exposed it as the main enemy of Eritrea and its people. Put on the defensive, it tries to personify the state, merge the state and the regime, and portray all its critics and opponents who advocate constitutional governance, as traitors and agents of foreign enemies.  

2. Cherish Eritrea’s historic victory in the war of independence and defend its hard-won national sovereignty and territorial integrity.  

3. Guard our unity, own the solution to our problems, support change from within, and resist the divisive ploys of the regime and external forces. Avoid and resist ገረብ ብሓኽላ. In particular, we have a moral imperative and a historic responsibility to transcend the old ELF-EPLF divides, rise above the petty fray and overcome the futility of fragmented and polarised activism and direct all effort to catalysing constitutional governance and democratic transformation.

4. Respect and value our diversity as a source of strength and challenge all attempts to use it as a tool of division to weaken our struggle for constitutional governance founded on the rule of law.  

5. Recognise the fallacy of the ‘the enemy of my enemy is a friend’. We must avoid being used as pawns in the geopolitics of the region under this twisted logic to retain credibility. 

6. Move from the realm of talking into the realm of united action to catalyse change and build a democratic state based on the rule of law. 

7. Cherish and nurture our youth as the torch bearers of change and heirs of the future. They are the architects of renewal and innovation in politics, science and technology. We must help them understand the past, regain the present, and build the future. 

I would like to conclude by underscoring the imperative of establishing constitutional governance and the work to crystallise it. Among other things, the Constitution of Eritrea lays the legal foundation of the State of Eritrea and the basis of the sovereignty of the Eritrean people; defines the structure of the Government of Eritrea and delimits the respective powers of its principal organs with built in checks and balances; safeguards the fundamental rights and freedoms of the Eritrean people; and specifies the duties and obligations of Eritrean citizenship. 

Thank you for your kind attention.

Long live an Independent Sovereign State of Eritrea!
Eternal Glory to Our Martyrs!
God Bless Eritrea and the Eritrean People!